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568  23 December 2002   

Can Consumption be a force for change?

Yes, says Sam Brittan. Christmas prompts the FT guru to ponder on the future of “consumption”, and its changing character – just as I did (remember?) on Buy Nothing Day – Sam Brittan is always good value, and his own Weblog is not a chargeable FT service…

Sam Brittan has a deep understanding of market systems, and a near-mystical admiration for their operation.  His thinking is pure 1776 Adam Smith through-and-through – just consider this extract -

“By themselves corporations have much less power than envious journalists suppose. If they cannot sell their products they are sunk. They can only exercise political power if they can persuade governments to exclude competition, whether it is George W. Bush trying to protect farmers and the steel industry or Gerhard Schröder combining his pseudo-pacifist anti-Americanism with subsidies for German industry and labour. Another example is the arms lobby, which bends the ears of successive British prime ministers to use taxpayers' money to promote weapon sales to dubious regimes.  If only critics would realise it, globalised free trade is the best defence against the corruption of politicised capitalism.”

It must be clear that Sam Brittan is no longer a "Conservative", if indeed he ever was.  There was real radicalism, after all, in Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations 1776 - Smith was profoundly sceptical both of politicians and cartels, market-rigging deals between traders.  Sam Brittan stands four-square in that tradition.

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569   23 December 2002   

Old Age Pensions
A suitable case for socialism

Labour’s long-awaited “pensions judgment” has been made by the hapless Andrew Smith, with the publication of the new Green PaperAnd it was another dog’s dinner.  Yet another opportunity was lost to deploy straightforward socialist reasoning, to solve a deepening political problem.

I make a simple value judgmentI assert that society should assure, to each tax-paying citizen, as of right, a satisfactory income in old age, reflecting at all times a fair share of society’s resources.

No such principle has been asserted by the Government, even as an ultimate goal.  Every issue has been pragmatically trimmed, every judgment blurred.  The collapse of the “private” occupational pension system is scarcely addressed.  The collapse of public confidence in the private pensions “industry” is ignored. The unpopularity of raising the retirement age is avoided.  Means-testing will remain (it is said) for the good of the poorest, which is a deeply flawed argument.  Means-testing has risen under Labour: in 1997, only 37% of pensioners went through the process, now 57% have to do so.

The evasions do not end there The linking of the state pension to average wage-levels earnings, says Andrew Smith, “would not be sustainable in the long-term.”  How can such an assertion possibly be made?  At what level is the assertion pitched – at the present 14% of average wage, or 30%, or 50%?  If our citizens, presented with the facts, were to decide that they wanted their collective affairs to be so arranged, why should that not be done?  Do we not have the power to determine the configuration of our own society? Why are the costs of a socialist solution not explained, rather than simply dismissed?  Are we not capable of making up our minds?  Why should the provision of an adequate old age state pension not be treated as a political priority, taking its place if necessary above other claims upon the public purse?  

This is another dark moment for Labour, as the retreat from socialism continues. We are sleep-walking, muddling through, for the sake of avoiding electoral unpopularity.  I say that a living pension should be assured to every citizen by the State, as a matter of entitlement not by way of means-testing.  It should reflect a full contributory record, and should be abated by unauthorised omissions.  

This is the assurance which “society” should be giving to its middle-aged citizens, as they wrestle with the growing uncertainties of the global economy.  Pensions should be redistributive, and funded from taxation or other system of compulsory contribution.  For the irreducible basic pension (say, at 30% if the national average wage, or currently £130 p.w.), no systemic reliance should be placed on market mechanisms.  Above that level, there would be ample room for discretionary personal provision, in the market-place.  And I accept that the State promise should not kick-in until 70. 

This is, quintessentially, State business No other institutions of society have the long-term credibility to build and maintain public confidence.  This is political territory in which socialists have all the natural advantages, whereas the Tories are floundering.  For Labour, this represents the most important opportunity, since the NHS in 1947, for the entrenchment of a practical, universal, socialist principle, and one which would command overwhelming public support.

We must not let Labour blow it.

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- is that a deal?  Roger WE