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item0068C 984, 985
984
21 April 2004
Touch of Class
Is
the power of social class weakening, in English society? The commercial
evidence suggests that it is. The current travails of both Marks & Spencer
and Sainsburys – I say - have a common explanation.
Class is on the way out.
The success of both firms has relied historically on a certain quiet,
genteel snobbery, on a class orientation, on the willingness of their cushioned
customers “to pay a bit more, for quality”. M&S were first into the field
with clothing, and then followed Sainsburys into the genteel food
business. I suspect they did that, as soon as they realised that a
touch of snobbery added greatly to the selling-price of a lasagne or
paella or bowl of guacamole - carrying the M&S label.
Sainsburys have never prospered, in Scotland or in Wales, or in the North
of England. These are territories where the class writ does not run
unchallenged. As a Sainsburys senior manager (albeit building the stores,
rather than selling the coq au vin) I was keenly aware of the
profound differences in trading conditions, when moving from South to
North, South to West. The profit margins of both companies benefited
enormously, throughout the “English” territories, from their prosperous
aspirant middle class connotations. Outside those territories, it
was much harder going.
But the consumer revolution has gnawed remorsely away at such
snobbishness. “Class” now butters far fewer parsnips. M&S for decades
enjoyed a golden association with the well-heeled middle-classes, cashmere
sweaters, quality under-garments and accessories. Even in the 1980s there
was, for many an English gentleman, an unmistakable frisson – in
knowing that Margaret Thatcher’s knickers came from M&S…
We will not see their like again.
What do you think? Drop me a line
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985
20 April
2004
 "Let the
people have
the final say"
20 April 2004
Dear Colleague
It is time to
resolve, once and for all, whether Britain wants to be at the centre and
heart of European decision-making or not. That is why this afternoon I told
the House of Commons that the Labour Government would
give the British
people the final say
on the European Constitutional Treaty.
There are plenty of
myths about Europe. Let me give you some facts.
 On 1 May the EU will enlarge
from 15 to 25 members. It will be the biggest ever increase in Europe's
size. It will reunify Europe after the travails of Communist dictatorship in
Eastern and Central Europe. It is an historic event, one this British
Government and the one before us have championed. Whatever the problems it
poses, and we see that in the anxiety over prospective immigration, let us
be in no doubt: the prospect of EU membership, together with the courage of
the Governments concerned, is the primary reason why those countries have
been able to reform their economies and politics so radically and so
beneficially. Such change has been in the interests of all of Europe.
Enlargement is right for Europe and for Britain and we should support it.
Within the space of
a few years Europe will be transformed. It will be easily the strongest
political union and greatest economic market in the world. Britain should be
at the heart of it. That is its right and its destiny.
Because of
enlargement, Europe is sensibly seeking to change the way it works. In a
Europe of 25 or 27 or 28, a rotating 6-month Presidency makes no sense; the
use of the veto should be confined to the areas where it is truly necessary,
otherwise decision-making becomes paralysed, and in certain areas,
terrorism, security, economic reform, the environment, Europe must do more
and do it better.
Britain will
co-operate fully in helping Europe work better - but work better as a Europe
of sovereign nation states.
There are certain key areas where maintenance of
full control of our affairs is essential. In those areas like taxation,
foreign policy, defence, pensions, how the essentials of our common law,
criminal justice system work, Treaty change, we believe the national veto
must remain. We will insist on the necessary amendments to the present draft
Treaty to ensure that they do. Likewise we will insist that the right to
control on our borders, secured by this Government, at Amsterdam in 1997
will remain. On this basis the Treaty does not and will not alter the
fundamental nature of the relationship between Member States and the EU.
If the new Treaty
contains these essentials, we believe it will be in Britain's interest to
sign it. Once agreed, let Parliament debate it.
Then let the people have the
final say.
 I am attaching a
full copy of the statement to the House of Commons I made this afternoon. I am also including
the statement I made yesterday on my recent visit to the United States of
America. My discussions with Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United
Nations, and President Bush covered Iraq, Cyprus and Israel/Palestine. I
believe passionately that all these issues need to be seen in their wider
context, for they are all linked. We are firm in response to terrorism and WMD. But we must also be firm in tackling the breeding grounds of terrorism.
That means broadening out the international agenda and confronting the
issues upon which the terrorists pray: poverty, conflict, religious and
ethnic strife.
That is why I have
welcomed the Israeli proposal to withdraw from Gaza and parts of the West
Bank. The Road Map remains the best way to peace, and disengagement from
occupied territory can be an opportunity to return to it. Disengagement is
not the final step, but an important first step on the road to a final
settlement. There was criticism that last week's announcements prejudged the
issues of Palestine's final status. It should not and does not. It is a
statement of fact that those final status negotiations, when they come,
cannot ignore the reality on the ground, but all issues are to be decided in
that negotiation. Israeli withdrawal also provides a chance for full
engagement by the international community. We should seize this opportunity
to help the Palestinian Authority take the necessary economic, political and
security measures so that a viable Palestinian state becomes not just a
concept but a real possibility.
I hope you find
both statements helpful in arguing Labour's case locally. There has been an
unrelenting but, I have to accept, partially at least, successful campaign
to persuade Britain that Europe is a conspiracy aimed at us rather than a
partnership designed for us and others to pursue our national interest
properly in a modern, interdependent world. It is right to confront this
campaign head-on.
It is time to
resolve once and for all
whether this country wants to be at the centre and
heart of European decision-making or not; time to decide whether our destiny
lies as a leading partner and ally of Europe or on its margins. Let the Euro-sceptics whose true agenda we will expose, make their case.
 Let those of
us who believe in Britain in Europe not because we believe in Europe alone
but because, above all we believe in Britain, make ours. Let the issue be
put. Let the battle be joined.
Tony Blair
What do you think? Drop me a
line
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