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990   26 April 2004  

The Politics of How

Labour Reform is an earnest middle-o-th-road reform group within the Labour Party, as its name suggests. and at their Conference at LSE last Saturday, I reached a startling conclusion. 

  • The centre of gravity of my political concern has shifted from the politics of what, to the politics of how.

What do I mean by that?  I found myself concluding that all three major UK Parties now envisaged a similar utopia.  They carried in their breast-pockets a similar snapshot of the ideal society.  It was characterised by high quality public education, public health services, a high-quality environment secured by Government action, a secure society in which the risks both of external attack and internal disorder were minimised, in which "the poor" and the sick were cared for, in which the fear of poverty in old age had been defeated, from which the poverty of the "slums" had been banished, in which a balance was struck between individual freedom and the collective interest, and which played active part in the furtherance of the peace of the world.

Opinions would vary between the Parties about how much could be afforded at any one time, how private and public interests were best reconciled, the extent to which poverty was countered by the redistribution of welath by Government.  But LibDem, Tory and Labour were self-evidently marching to the same utopian tunes, if with differing degrees of enthusiasm and commitment.  Their "visions" were recognisably the same.

I do not find that surprising.  Given our shared cultural origins, and our shared history, such confluence was probably unavoidable.  We do not disagree, to any significant degree, upon our utopias, for their content - what they consist of - is remarkably similar.  No wonder the electorate considers "there is nothing to choose between them"...

My momentary insight, however, went further.  For if our utopias did not differ significantly - "We're all socialists now..." - our views of the processes of life certainly did.  And it began to dawn on me that many of the political principles that I held most dear, were matters of process - How? questions rather than What? questions.

Just consider my list of political priorities.

Still Under
Construction

 ut them?  Drop me a line

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991  3 May  2004  

Managed Migration future mode

Tony Blair is right to take a strong line on migration management.  International migration raises fundamental new political questions about the proper organisation of societies, and is moving towards the centre of the political stage.  I am convinced that the search for a systematic framework for such migration ought to be high on the political agenda.

But he is wrong to suggest that, as present international conventions stand, this is a soluble problem.  It is not.  The need is for quite different institutions, laws that are quite different in character.  And so far, those perceptions have not seen the light of day.   

Countries are no longer divided by any “firm” borders, as the 91m annual visitor-movements through the UK testify.  International trade has dissolved national frontiers, quite literally.  It will be impossible to “hold the line” at the Eastern frontier of the European Union, at Poland, Slovakia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania – all these boundaries will be porous, as are those of the UK.  Indeed, it is that fact which has given rise to the ID-Card Movement, reflecting the belief that if the State cannot be defied satisfactorily in terms of territory, it must be defined in terms of Club Membership, with everyone in the UK Club carrying a Membership Card. 

The ID-Card Movement has considerable force, although it is an out-of-date answer to problems that have already moved on.  The ID-Card “model”, namely that of the Enumerated Society, is a chimera, a puff of smoke on the horizon, lacking realism or substance.  That is why the Blunkettian Dream is so dangerous: he is like a mediaeval police chief enthusiastic about a new set of out-of-date thumb-screws… 

Let’s deconstruct.  

In future, all “asylum” decisions, regardless of the persecuting country, should be made by the United Nations.  It is nonsense that every potential host country should hold its own adjudication hearings.  No special “islands” are necessary, for applicants should be allowed to live in other countries pending the asylum adjudication: the UN, for UK-resident refugees, should adjudicate here in the UK. 

All countries should be expected, under a yet-to-be-negotiated international treaty, to accept for permanent settlement a given annual quota as set out in that agreement.  That quota should be defined as a percentage of its resident population – in practice, the annual reception rate would be less than 1%, even in the European Union.  Every effort should be made to negotiate a common percentage quota, as a minimum: countries seeking immigrants would of course be free to set higher quotas, but each state would be bound to its Treaty minimum, and make reception arrangements accordingly.  This would counter common popular perceptions that “all immigrants are coming to the UK, and nowhere else”… 

“Refugees” (those fleeing persecution) would fall to be allocated by the United Nations according to the availability of current Treaty quota places, and with the agreement of the host country.  This would accommodate both refugees and economic migrants within the same statistical frame: it would be for each host country to determine its own immigration policy, subject to making the Treaty quota places available. 

In the meantime, we must make the ramshackle UK passport-based control system work much better. In my work with asylum-seekers in Swansea, I have been appalled at the unsatisfactory administrative systems of the Home Office, both as designed and as operated.  More administrative resources are certainly needed, and higher-calibre administrators assigned to the job. 

  • If that is not done, injustice and inefficiency will proliferate.

What do you think?  Drop me a line

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