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520  11 November 2002   

Radical Rail Action
Making PFI Work

Make no mistake - the Rail Regulator's decision to shorten renewed rail operating franchises to three or four years constitutes a fundamental change of system.  Because it will strip out capital investment from the franchise relationship, and allow contracts to focus exclusively on operational effectiveness.  Major capital investment will have to be managed separately, using quite different and specialised forms of contract - and that is all to the good. This represents a step forward in our understanding of how best to operate public/private relationships.

It will also simplify the forms of operating contract, and that will be a great improvement.  Indeed in my view, PFI methods should be deployed only where the public agency can produce a form of contract (specifically an "Invitation to Tender") which can be objectively and convincingly priced by a contending tenderer, and where the appointment can be convincingly made principally on price.  It is true that professional appointments are made differently, assessing the quality of service against a standard professional fee-scale, but they are different.  Such contracts can simply be terminated if the Client is dissatisfied with the service, upon payment of outstanding fees (as accountants, architects and surveyors know only too well).

But PFI contracts are quite different in character, usually involving long-term contract commitments (up to thirty years) and the creation of monopoly trading positions for the winner.  Yet the selection process is commonly so complex that the contract cannot be concluded without extensive one-to-one final-stage negotiation between the public agency and the tenderer - then euphemistically described as the "preferred bidder".  Those final-stage negotiations constitute a real threat to the public agencies concerned, and to the generalised "public interest".

  1. Private tenderers commonly play the entire selection game in order to secure that privileged solus negotiating opportunity, in the knowledge that their positions can in practice be discreetly changed at that stage;
  2. Public agency staff rarely possess the commercial skills needed to box the public corner in such hand-to-hand commercial fighting; in particular, it is easy for the parties to be unable to assess the full long-term financial implications of complex contractual formulae;
  3. Public agency staff are exposed to high risks of personal corruption, because they are necessarily entrusted with very wide judgmental discretions which are inaccessible to scrutiny or audit;
  4. Private firms commonly have better access to top-flight legal skills; faced with exceedingly complicated and tortuous forms of contract, private firms may simply decide to accept the risks of their own non-compliance, and "sign up anyway"...

These risks can be countered by the preparation of different forms of invitation-to-tender, reducing the scope for negotiation and requiring the tenderers to submit fully-priced proposals, leading to the rapid conclusion of a binding, verifiable, arms-length contract.   Indeed, my view is that if such a process is impossible, that is a clear indication that PFI out-sourcing is not an appropriate method in the first place.

  • The function in question should remain firmly under public direct management.

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521   11 November 2002   

international devolution

All over the world, politicians and constitutional lawyers are exploring new formulae for provincial devolution. The 19th century unitary nation-state is under challenge, and new "federal" solutions are being sought.

Just consider the scale of the requirement. 

  • In Chechnya, devolution is the issue, with nationalists fighting to move further to complete independence, while Putin is considering a referendum, offering the Chechens a form of federal devolution. 

  • In Spain, both Catalonia and the Basque country are contending for greater freedom from Madrid, and there is the same virulent admixture of independence movements, occasionally breaking out in violence.

  • In France, the Government continues to wrestle with the problem of Corsican independence: the Jospin Government tried to devolve, only to be prevented by the French Constitutional Court. The Raffarin Government will be forced to return to the devolution issue. 

  • In Italy, the Northern League contends actively for greater provincial freedom, although the independence movement is currently muted. 

  • In the UK, the Government is about to embark on a new - and deeply flawed - process of provincial devolution, while the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Ireland devolution formulae face further stresses.

All these situations pose the same constitutional problems

  • "How, within a unitary state, is the legitimate demand for local discretion and control best to be accommodated?

I confess that, in that context, I find the Welsh devolution formula to be entirely convincing, and preferable to either the Scottish or NI models.  And I find the Government's proposals for the English Regions totally unconvincing - they are so bad that one can only assume that they are designed to fail - the English Reginal Lobbies have a huge task ahead of them - and they ought to be beating a path to Cardiff, to copy the Welsh Constitution.

For in differentiating central from provincial functions, the Government of Wales Act focuses wisely on the dividing-line between primary and secondary legislation - thus between the general and the particular, between "outline" and "detail", between principle and practice.  Thos distinction is intellectually comprehensible, and politically convincing.  

I accept that we Welsh politicians (professional and lay) have not yet fully exploited this remarkable constitutional structure - but we are learning, and I am much encouraged by the way the system is developing. 

Watch Wales!

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