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You are in the company
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Roger Warren Evans |
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item0030D 606, 607 606 18 January 2003 Parish Perfect I am a parish councillor - except that in Wales, our having never had a complete set of Anglican "parishes" like England, these councils were re-designed and re-named community councils by the Tory Government of 1972. But both parish and community councils are facing civil disobedience... And Chris Garner, a member of the Kings Langley Parish Council in Hertfordshire, was the first insurgent into the dock, this week. The problem lies with the application, to Parish/Community Councillors of the extensive disclosure provisions of Parish Councils (Model Code of Conduct) Order 2001, which came into effect last year. In line with its requirements for the full disclosure of private interests (for MPs, Assembly Members and District and County Councillors) we now have to do the same. Many Councillors feel that the requirement is excessive, an unnecessary intrusion into their personal affairs by an interfering central state. Such councils have few statutory powers, few resources, and the Councillors are wholly unpaid - and given the local nature of most Council arrangements, even the payment of personal expenses occurs only on a very limited scale. Party political activity is very limited indeed, and the influence of such councils is modest. In our Council (Mumbles Community Council) there was much initial hoo-ha, but in the end every Councillor complied, within the time-limit, and life has gone on without disruption.
Where do I stand? I think the principle of disclosure is right. True, it has developed in the salaried sector (see Political Salariat), where popular suspicion of politicians' motivation is particularly acute. But the whole of public life is sadly tarred with this distrust, and it cannot be ignored. The mere fact that we are not paid for our services does not exempt us from suspicion of bias, or from the requirements of personal probity. And for somebody who argues, as I do, that consideration should be given to the further empowerment of smaller local communities through their elected community councils, it is obviously important that everything should be done to put their bona fides, and their legitimacy, beyond doubt.
607 20 January 2003 SAFEWAY SAGA I have two contributions to make to the Safeway saga, derived from my years spent building stores for Sainsburys, in competition with Safeway. Why Safeway failed Safeway's retail strategy has always differed fundamentally from the other four - Sainsburys, Tesco, Asda and Morrisons. The latter all stressed the importance of selling on price. There was a time in the Eighties when Sainsburys, Tesco and Asda used UK-wide TV advertisements to publicise the actual prices of their chickens, steaks, chips and Liebfraumilch. And for that strategy to work, all their stores had to charge the same price, regardless of store location. That strategy was good for the customer, and fostered competition. Retailers watched each others' price movements like hawks. Safeway refused to compete on price. Their strategy was to build stores in smaller market towns where the "big boys" were less likely to compete. Safeway preferred to hide themselves away in small-market corners, effectively enjoying a chain of local monopolies, and merrily charging higher prices. Even when Tesco and Sainsburys started to compete in these smaller markets, Safeway's higher-profit profile enabled them to secure sites, at higher land-prices. I well remember leading Sainsburys' attempt (1992) to get into Carmarthen, where Tesco enjoyed a lucrative local monopoly. A local developer secured planning consent for a second supermarket, and the site was put on the market, for competitive tenders. I did all my calculations, and found that the absolute maximum we could afford to pay for the land was £1.75m - if I were to pay £2m+, the profitability of the eventual store would be threatened. Safeway's bid was £4.2m. I could not believe it! Safeway's higher profit margins, feeding through from their higher food-price strategy, showed up in the offer they made for the land. Safeway secured the site, and to this day competes with Tesco alone in Carmarthen. Because Carmarthen, even with its West Wales regional role, is a relatively small market, unable to support a third "supermarket". But this strategy took its toll, eventually, on Safeway. To this day, it remains a relatively "expensive" chain, and they must be burdened by the high-prices paid for development sites, when they had finally to compete with "us big boys". In Carmarthen, the local market would be greatly strengthened and improved by a Morrison or Sainsburys takeover, and West Wales customers would undoubtedly be the winners. What the Government should do. The bids should all be referred to the Monopolies Commission. The pugnacious Ken Morrison is simply wrong in his opposition to that move, and he would lose any legal challenge he might launch. The Commission should deliberate, and allow through the best bid - but the "winner" should be forced to sell-on any Safeway store in any local market where the winner was already established. What matter to shoppers are local monopolies, not the state of the UK-wide market as a whole. This point was well made in the Financial Times, by Andrew Simms of the New Economics Foundation. The sell-on conditions, on this view, would vary according to the identity of the winner. I accept that difficult decisions would have to made on the definition of "local markets", but I am confident that a satisfactory consensus would emerge. I do not share Andrew Simms view that supermarkets are undesirable in themselves, and that small shops are somehow inherently superior. That is mere Poujadiste sentimentality (.. remember Poujade?). I agree with Simms and the New Economics Foundation that much more should be done to generate new local economic networks - but that will require political creativity and commitment - not merely a stale anti-supermarket negativism.
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