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610  27 January 2003   

University Fees 
fatal distortion

The dismal story of the Government compromise on University fees is a telling one.  Having allowed the issue to creep up on them, and to require an "urgent" solution, Government Ministers have minimised Treasury commitments by placing the full burden of additional funding upon the shoulders of students themselves, so that poor students will effectively face a life-time of income-tax bills higher than their fellow graduates from wealthier backgrounds. 

It is common ground that our universities, having been driven to expand throughout the 1980s and 1990s without matching grant increases, desperately need additional resources - staff salaries are falling seriously behind "the market", and research and tutorial resources are hopelessly stretched.  Yet the mantra of the salariat (both Tory and Labour) is that these additional funds must not come "from the State" by way of the deployment of tax revenues.  Why?  Becasue if they did, there would be a substantial increase in the size of the "State budget" (i.e. the proportion of Gross Domestic Product taken by the State for the pursuit of public purposes), and the electorate would object, punishing the Government responsible at the next Election. The Labour salariat would not retain their jobs, collectively or even individually.

The refusal of the Labour salariat to adopt a socialist solution (that is, levying a Graduate Tax and funding the universities from the public purse) was driven by simple electoral terror, nothing less.  And after all, the key skill of the new salariat is getting re-elected - nothing less, nothing more.  Whatever was to be done, the Treasury had to be able to say that the funding came from other pockets, not those of the State.  Gordon Brown is already in deep trouble, on that score, with the £21bm indebtedness of Network Rail - he could not allow further funding to burden the public purse.  The electoral implications were simply too threatening...

That is why students are being made to pay the lion's share of the additional bill.  They are the other pocket, even if easy terms must be devised, to get the money out of them.  The State will of course continue to pick up the primary tab, as at present.  And outright grants for students from poorer households are to be increased (details yet to be forthcoming).  But apart from that, every student must pay his/her way - either by parental contributions at the time, or (for the less lucky) many years of debt repayment.  Charles Clarke had the audacity to call this a "market-based solution" - well, so it is, in a way - but he should not be proud of that.  Because the market is one in which the wealthy will continue to be advantaged, and the poorer students continue to carry the burden of their poverty.  Nothing socialist there, then...

Clarke obviously does sense the shame of  this, and will try to force the issue of economic discrimination by pursuing positive discrimination in favour of poorer students.  There is to be a new "Access Regulator" to supervise universities' performance on this front.  I am deeply unhappy about this escape-route, chosen by Clarke to resolve a dilemma of his own making - it is wrong in principle.  I believe that this form of discrimination will eventually be seen to conflict with doctrines of equality of entitlement in education (as is currently happening in America, even attracting direct intervention by George Dubya).  If Labour continues to pursue this seedy compromise, it will not be long before a disadvantaged middle-class student, excluded from Balliol in favour of a student from a poorer family, successfully sues the College or the Regulator under the European Convention of Human Rights...  Watch this space.

Are you happy with the Government compromise?  Drop me a line

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611   27 January 2002   

Blair & I agree, on some things...

It is important for me to understand, and to define, the point at which I part company with the Blair Project.  For many observers would say (indeed my friends do...) that I make the ideal Project adherent, in theory - a Welsh lawyer with many years experience in senior business management  - with Bovis, Barratts and Sainsburys - no conventional working class or trade union connections or loyalties, a family background with mixed socialist and liberal elements, a passionate European,an experienced public-service administrator, a convinced supporter of "flexible" labour markets, with a real  respect for the innovative drive of the business sector, and a realistic view of the achievement of greater equality.   I should be ideal Blairite material.

And when I saw Blair's apologia for the public services last week, I did indeed agree with him.

  • "Fairer access to the public services is the only way to keep Labour's 1997 coalition together.  Break that coalition, and you break the very support necessary to retain the services we believe in.  If you go back to Tory ways, you divide Britain, not unite it. Public services are the best expression of social solidarity.  Provide poor public services, and you can talk solidarity, but you will never get it".

I cannot fault that reasoning.  High-quality, common public services are indeed a key carrier of equality and social justice, a key indicator of socialist success.  My problem is not with the principles, but with the timidity of their implementation. 

  • In education, we should retain the ideal of the excellent community "high school" for every child, rather than pander to the mischievous doctrines of "parental choice" peddled by the Tories.  Nothing discredited Labour more than Alistair Campbell's dismissive rejection of "bog-standard comprehensives".  It was Anthony Crosland (early 1970s) who first highlighted the disproportionate success of the middle classes in exploiting state provision for their own private advantage - that is inevitable, but the process should be made more difficult, not easier.   Tony Blair, however, constantly plays to the middle-class gallery, in the belief that only selectivity and parental choice will keep the middle classes on board.  His apprehensions may indeed have some foundation (the ol' devil class is never very far away, from English calculations...) but he should not rely on such short-term electoral reasoning - there are other ways to keep the coalition together.
  • And there is nothing fair about Labour's new university funding scheme - the middle-classes will retain their financial advantage, without any significant redistribution of wealth towards lower-income families - the poor will merely be offered favourable repayment terms, for a mountain of debt.
  • In health, if elected hospital boards are a good idea (and I think they are), why should not all hospitals be so governed, not just "the best"?  Why should all our communities not become engaged with their own medical services?  Diversity of provision would be fine, if it took place within a democratic framework, enjoying democratic legitimacy.
  • Finally, Blair underestimates the threat to the public service ethos constituted by PFI, and the whole process of privatisation (e.g. of prisons, schools) - his narrow concerns with so-called "efficiency" is limiting his sensitivity to important socialist issues.  Readers will know that I am not opposed to PFI on any kind of principle: I think these methods can be widely deployed, without disadvantage, in matters of construction and property.  But the primacy of public service is a key element in any socialist view of society: US society, with its public services deeply interpenetrated by business at every point, is a model which most Labour Party members reject.

So - I cannot fault Blair's broad, high-level principles.  

But o dear - he does fail his Practical...

What do you think?  Drop me a line

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