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678  31 March 2003   

Think Police!

I am keenly aware of the explosion of Police activity which we are all experiencing.  At 130,000, we now have a larger civil Police force than at any time in our history.  For the Left, and for the civil rights community, this poses a unique political and intellectual challenge. 

Yet I have seen no serious attempt, by the Left, to do so.  Let me make my own attempt, just to see what you think.  Let me explain my own pre-judgments.  I am naturally pro-Police, by background and social convention.  However, I dissociated myself from David Blunkett's public climb-down in the face of professional Police opposition, in May last year (2002).   And I remain implacably opposed to the Police case for introducing ID cards.  I therefore confess to a classic middle class view of the Police: I call every policeman "Officer", and always assume that he is on my sideAnd you can't get more middle class than that!  That is therefore the psycho-starting point for my analysis - I set out my arguments below, going back to first principles.  Let me know what you think, particularly if you are a socialist.

  All societies need "policing" in the broadest sense.  There may be some ultra-simple social groupings that survive without disruptive conflict, containing within their own social institutions adequate means of resolving conflict.  But Western European societies long left such social conditions behind.  In particular, modern high-density urban life generates multiple frictions which demand many forms of conflict resolution, both of a "civil" and "criminal" nature.

II  The maintenance of civic order, "keeping the peace", constitutes a primary duty of all public authorities, of all organs of the State, and that extends both to the regulation of disruptive and destructive conduct within society, and countering external threats to the public peace.

III "The Police", and all those agencies performing a "Police" function in this sense, have a particular responsibility for keeping the peace and discharging other defensive functions within society, and enjoy special powers to enable them to do so, particularly powers of coercion and investigation.

IV  It is important that all such agencies should enjoy the broadest possible acceptance across all social sectors, and that their authority should be acknowledged and maximised; in a democratic society, this predicates a wide understanding of their functions within the population as a whole, and their maintenance at all times of a high degree of legitimacy in the eyes of the policed. In a democratic society, particular political attention must at all times be directed to the quality of the relationship between the Police and the policed.

V   Finally, it is essential that in the conduct of all Police functions proper  the civil and human rights should be respected of all those who by convention or circumstance, by accident or design, by residence or temporary stay, are subject to the jurisdiction of any police agency. The quality of policing is itself an indicator of the quality of life within any society, and everything possible should be does to maximise respect for police agencies. Those with relevant responsibilities should seek to ensure at all times -

  • (a) that the Police are at all times adequately resourced, and that recruitment standards are high;
  • (b) that Police functions are discharged with minimum coercion, intrusiveness, and inconvenience,
  • (c) that public confidence is maintained in the evenhandedness and considerateness of Police procedures and their implementation, and
  • (d) that throughout society there is proper appreciation of, and education about, the role of Police agencies in the maintenance of civic order.

My nose tell me that there are, within this framework, two "zones" of particular socialist interest. 

First: there is democratic legitimacy of police agencies.  I have in recent years become increasingly concerned at the decoupling of the Police and the other civic authorities within their own communities.  The Tories finally destroyed a local authority linkage which had been long decaying.  That trend is disruptive, and should be reversed, whatever the difficulties of confidentiality or communication.  I favour the development of three different categories and levels of policing in society, each of which would demand its own distinctive democratic legitimacy. 

Second: there is the renewed emphasis, following the Human Rights Act 1998, upon the enforcement of the human rights of the policed - this reflects a renewed sensitivity to the abuse of police power, in both major and minor ways. All executive "authorities" (both of the Right and the Left) are prone to ignore this phase of civilised life, particularly when there seem to be great threats to be contained - terrorism, corruption, drug-trafficking.  But as socialists we must find new ways of developing new sensitivities in this sector. That is a feature of my developing liberal socialist view of Labour Party policy.  That is what the new Socialist Civil Liberties Association is all about - check out SoCLA.

"Policies for Policing" rarely figure on the Labour agenda.  The subject is considered more of a Tory subject, in spite of the success of New Labour with the slogan Tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime... I shall be trying to push the subject right up the socialist agenda.

Does any of this grab you?  Drop me a line

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679   31 March  2003  

What if America fails?

I don't mean - fail in Iraq, fail in Baghdad.   I mean -

  • "What if, shaken by the stresses of having to fight a bloody war on the TV screens of the world, the American people lose confidence? 

For everything we know of the modern consumer economy suggests that its foundations are to be found in collective optimism.  It is now impossible for a pessimistic society, however wealthy, to sustain a successful economy. The Japanese have demonstrated the truth of this proposition  throughout the 1990s.  The German consumerate may even now find such institutional pessimism setting in, as the former "West" Germany (the "Wessies") continue to worry about the effects and burdens of reunification.  By contrast, the strength of the UK economy has undoubtedly be underpinned by widespread confidence, in the 1997/2002 period in the competence of the UK authorities and the Blair Government. and in the international leadership that Blair has delivered - see Confidence is Indivisible.

  • But what if the unremitting, gung-ho, high-spending, low-saving, cheer-leader optimism of the great American consumerate should falter? 

I have no crystal ball.  But I am sure we should contemplate the possibility of that outcome, and make some contingency plans for it.  The United States constitutes, after all, only 5% of the world's population, albeit the wealthiest 5%.  If the American bubble burst, the global collapse could be awesome.  In my view, the UK should now, as a matter of priority, re-align with Europe, strengthen the enlarged European Union, and prepare for a post-Iraq world economy, with a different balanced of global "drivers".  If I am right, the task would be to re-ignite optimism and idealism throughout our European home (the whiff of socialism beckons...), reach a closer accommodation with Russia, and make common cause with China.  We must be prepared to build a world in which the American economy had became a casualty of war...

  • It may never happen.  But even it does not, we should not continue to run the risks of the mindless, subservient, unquestioning alliance with America - into which the Blair-led Government has mistakenly led its people.  The Labour Party must play its part in thinking ahead, and laying contingency plans.  It was at a Fabian conference last Saturday that my thoughts shifted dramatically in that direction.

What do you think?  Drop me a line

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