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item0038C 684, 685
684 7 April 2003
Police
not
War
It must be clear that conventional "war" - the waging of a full
frontal-assault aggressive war, is now impossible. Media coverage,
open democracy, consumer anxiety, sensitivity to civilian casualties - these
all inhibit the sheer ferocity and nastiness that such war demands.
Just as duelling and prize-fighting have been prohibited in every
ordered society, warring-between-nations will also be prohibited.
I don't know when - but that will happen.
The absurdity of "world hegemony"
will be exposed. But in many circumstances force will still be required (remember, I am
no pacifist).
What, then, is the difference between "waging
war" and "policing"?
In Northern Ireland, for example, successive UK Governments have maintained
that the State is not at war with
the IRA, while the IRA has consistently asserted the contrary. And yet
the Army's "policing experience" in Belfast and Londonderry is
proving invaluable in Umm Qasr and Basra, and they are tutoring the Marines
planning to enter Baghdad. The essence of "policing"
is that force is used to uphold some colourable consensual, legitimate civic
order. "War" is a
confrontation between two civic orders, each of which rejects the very
legitimacy of the other.
Do you agree with that differentiation?
Because if I am right, the use of force should never be considered
legitimate if its objective is to impose
upon any society a new civic or constitutional order. Regime change
by way would be finally and decisively outlawed.
The establishment of such order could only be consensual, achieved through
persuasive, pressure, sanctions, diplomatic, consultative processes.
However long it takes, however frustrating the process, external influence
should be exerted by means other than war.
Once
a new a civic order were in position, even if tenuously, force could
properly be deployed to uphold that order. If the South African
Government were to face serious insurrection, nobody would question the
provision of "policing" support
to that country and its authorities. These distinctions may be deployed either within a single
State territory, or across State boundaries. Intervention to prevent
aggressive ethnic cleansing against the Kosovans was, in this sense, a
police measure. So were the
defensive flights over Northern Iraq, to prevent oppression of the Iraqi
Kurds by the Iraq Government. UK intervention to uphold the civic
order of Sierra Leone was also a police measure.
This week's intervention by George Bush in the affairs of Northern Ireland
is in principle similar, expressing a concern about the continuing failure,
by the UK Government, to deliver a lasting and successfully-policed
solution. But the unilateral use of aggression against Iraq, for the
purpose of achieving "regime change", would be clearly confirmed as unlawful
- as many international lawyers have already opined.
As part of this alternative view of the world, the United Nations should
develop a new International Police Force. This
would build upon the policing functions already discharged by the UN, from
Cyprus to East Timor.
It should be a standing force, relieved of the crippling requirement to
negotiate the nation-by-nation commitment of Member States' armed forces.
Soldiers, whether US Marines or UK Commandos, are not "natural"
policemen. Their training, their institutional philosophies, are quite
different. And for many career policemen, a UN police career would be
very attractive. The UN Police Force
should be developed with police
specialisms, peaceable police
styles, police disciplines,
police career aspirations, police
weapons conventions.
- As civilisation advances, soldiers
will give way to policemen.
Do you share my optimisim - am I talking through my hat? Drop me a line
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685
7 April 2003
"Post-neo-classical endogenous growth theory"
In 1995, I was in the audience at the National
Film Theatre, when Gordon Brown referred so authoritatively to
"post-neo-classical
endogenous growth theory".
I remember the words, I
remember where I was sitting, and I remember precisely where the podium
was, on the far right of the stage.I
have always understood precisely what the phrase meant, and I have been
dismayed at the scepticism of other commentators. Dismayed at Rory
Bremner's ridicule of the Chancellor. Dismayed too, at Gordon Brown's
seeming failure to grasp its significance himself. What do
I mean by it? Let me
explain.
My own studies of economics,
at Cambridge in the early-Sixties, were of "neo-classical" economics,
starting with Hicks and Samuelson. Following the golden age up to John
Maynard Keynes and WW2, economics had continued to be dominated by concepts
of "equilibrium", of markets rectifying disequilibria, prices interacting
with demand to move towards new points of equilibrium - even if those points
were never reached. Growth was the
consequence of this perpetual interplay of supply and demand,
the magical duality of classical economics. With the aftermath
of WW2, with most European economies heavily "managed", those forces were
constantly inhibited by Government intervention, and it was difficult to
believe in "classical" economics any more - hence the neo-
prefix, as the search for new and more sophisticated dualist equilibrium
theories progressed.
That
search had limited success. The discipline of "economics" is
floundering, intellectually. These days, there is little real understanding
of "how a market economy really works" -
indeed, the West finds it virtually impossible to explain to the "learning
countries" (notably Russia, and Eastern Europe) how a market economy
is to be created. To fill the theoretical vacuum, along came
"endogenous growth theory" - attributed to Professor Paul Romer of Stanford
University in the 1980s. You did not need the swings of the
market-place, he argued, to achieve economic growth. The swings of
boom and slump were not essential elements in a successful growth economy,
as it was fashionable to believe. You could stabilise economic
conditions and achieve growth by tweaking the supply system within the
economy, improving productivity and efficiency, constantly re-deploying
resources to more and more valuable purposes, driving the economy forward by
its own built-in (i.e. "endogenous") impetus. After all, Romer argued, the
remarkable growth of the US economy in the 20th century was an example not
of external ("exogenous") economic stimulus (only a small proportion of the
US economy is in the export sector) but rather of internal
drivers,
generating high productivity growth.
Gordon Brown has adopted that theory. He has done much
to reduce the impact of growth and slump - perhaps not to eliminate the
swing, but to cushion its impact on average-paid workers. And he has
identified the improvement of productivity as a key policy objective.
Yet it is there that he is failing:
UK productivity levels remain stubbornly low, by comparable international
standards.
What has gone wrong? The problem is that
productivity gains are not (as the theory requires) good in
themselves. In the business world, they are merely the
consequence of commercial
pressures to improve performance. Some low-productivity systems can
remain competitively successful. US productivity is high because the
powerhouse of US domestic demands generates draconic competitive pressures,
which punish inefficiency in the use of resources (whether of labour or
materials). The American domestic consumerate is steadily growing
(now largely by immigration), Americans are physically mobile
(facilitating stimulating changes of economic pattern), American
mores are consumerist and
socially competitive, the US corporate sector has conquered the heights of
political power (as they have nowhere in Europe), personal savings
are low and capital is relatively cheap (compared with Old Europe,
particularly the UK) - the conditions are ideal for innovative trading.
It is that process of perpetual innovation, of entrepreneurial initiative,
that drives productivity growth.
Poor ol' Gordon, and poor ol' Patricia Hewitt
- they have got their eyes firmly fixed upon the wrong dials on the locomotive. They are looking at
the effect, not the cause, of improved competitiveness. When it comes to
economic growth, innovation is all.
Britain is poor at commercial innovation because of the inhibitions of
our class inheritance, because of the high cost of capital and the inadequacy of our
financial institutions, because of the risk-averse priorities of a settled
(not an immigrant) population - all this "conservatism" runs very deep
indeed. Even when our scientists and engineers generate great ideas,
our sclerotic financial and social institutions fail to develop them
commercially. Even the agencies detailed-off to foster entrepreneurial
activity (Welsh Development Agency, Training and Enterprise Councils)
are themselves sclerotic, staffed by too many dyed-in-the-wool, careful,
career-oriented, and risk-averse second-raters.
Gordon,
Patricia - it is in the promotion of perpetual commercial
innovation that you will find the secret of eternal youth (...sorry, economic growth).
And you will find, at the heart of this problem, a cruel paradox - one
which it will be very hard for New Labour to understand. For the City,
with its parasitic and over-remunerated capitalist practices, is
totally
unsuited to the promotion of these innovative attitudes, in future
generations of our children. Your new-found friends in business are
the very worst people to foster new enterprise...
Yep! That
is the ultimate paradox. Having discovered how a
market economy really works, you will find that it can only be delivered by
new and more sophisticated forms of public
service initiative, cultivating wave upon wave of new
business competitors. What a hoot!
The market system can only work within a more sophisticated
socialist framework!
- Now why am I not surprised?
Are you a believer in endogenous
growth theory? Drop me a line
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