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item0040A 700, 701
700
21 April 2003
Moscow Times
Friday 18 April 2003
Liberal Russia's Yushenkov Shot Dead
By Simon Saradzhyan, Nabi Abdullaev and Oksana Yablokova
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Sergei Yushenkov, one of
Russia's most prominent Liberal Opposition figures and a State
Duma deputy, was shot dead in Moscow on Thursday evening in what
fellow deputies condemned as an apparent political assassination.
Yushenkov, 52, was
gunned down at the entrance to his apartment building in north-western
Moscow just hours after the Justice Ministry officially registered his
Liberal Russia movement as a party. In his last public
comments, a smiling Yushenkov told reporters in the Duma
at 2 pm that the "registration had been completed" and his Party
hopes to finish third in the upcoming Duma elections.
At 6.40 pm, an
unknown assailant shot him four times in the back after he got out of
his chauffeur-driven car and walked toward the entrance of the apartment
building at 13/2 Ulitsa Svobody. The assailant then fled, leaving a
Makarov pistol equipped with a silencer behind in what bore the mark of
a typical contract hit, Police said.
Yushenkov, a
co-chairman of Liberal Russia and a member of the Duma's
Security Committee, had not been involved in any business activities -
unlike some other Deputies who have been killed in recent years, his
colleagues said. Yushenkov is the ninth Duma deputy to be killed in the
past nine years. None of the killings has been solved. Leaders of
Liberal Russia immediately described the killing as a
political assassination. "The murder is purely political in nature.
... I call it a continuation because Yushenkov is the
second Liberal Russia co-chairman to be murdered," Yuly
Rybakov, a prominent member of Liberal Russia and an independent Duma
deputy, said in a telephone interview from his home in St. Petersburg.
Born in 1950 in a
village located in what is now the northwestern Tver region, Yushenkov
entered an academy for Soviet military political instructors in Siberia
in 1974. He subsequently pursued an academic career, teaching Marxist
philosophy at the Military
Political Academy, where
he rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel and earned a Ph.D.
Yushenkov left his
teaching job in 1990 to pursue a political career as a democrat as the
disintegration process gained speed across the
Soviet Union. He was
elected to the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation in 1990 and was
among the deputies who resisted the coup attempt by hard-liners in
August 1991. He became known to the general public after persuading a
commander of a tank unit sent by the hard-liners to storm the White
House to switch sides and support defenders of the parliament building
led by Boris Yeltsin.
Yushenkov continued
to support Yeltsin in the first few years of post-Communist Russia, but
then fell out with the Kremlin after the beginning of the war in
Chechnya in 1994. He is survived by his wife, daughter Yelena, 19, and
son Alexei, 25.
"Liberal
Russia has obviously become a bone in the throat for someone,"
said Rybakov, who said he had been assaulted and felt his own life was
in danger. Rybakov alleged that Yushenkov was killed for his efforts to
find evidence to back up allegations that the Federal Security Service
was involved in the apartment bombings that killed some 300 people in
1999. The authorities maintain that the bombings were ordered by
Chechen-based warlords, and several natives of the North Caucasus have
been brought to trial on charges of preparing and executing the
bombings.
Duma Deputy Viktor
Pokhmelkin, Yushenkov's co-chairman in Liberal Russia, said he believes
the murder was a political hit aimed at bringing the liberal opposition
"to its knees." "It is clear that the murder has a political
character," a visibly shaken Pokhmelkin told reporters who had gathered
outside the police cordon. But he chose not to speculate on who could
have been behind the killing and whether it could have been connected to
the killing of Golovlyov.
The Kremlin Press
Service reacted to the murder by saying that President Vladimir Putin
had been informed and had expressed his condolences to Yushenkov's
family and colleagues. "I am deeply shaken by the tragic news. ... A man
who believed it was his duty to protect democratic freedoms and ideals
is gone," the Press Service quoted Putin as saying.
The murder
created a furore in the Duma, with most of the
factions and all of the interviewed deputies calling the hit
"political".
"This is a
particular challenge for society because this murder was committed
on the day when Liberal Russia officially declared the
completion of its registration by the Justice Ministry," Duma
Speaker Gennady Seleznyov said.
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Yushenkov and
Golovlyov walked out of the Union of Right Forces at its
founding congress in May 2001 to set up Liberal Russia
after securing financing from controversial business tycoon Boris
Berezovsky. The party was not officially founded until 2002, only to see
the Justice Ministry turn down its registration bid in July, citing
inconsistencies in its charter. Back then, Yushenkov blamed the refusal
on the Justice Ministry's unwillingness to see a party affiliated with
Berezovsky operate in Russia. Soon enough, however, Yushenkov fell out
with Berezovsky over the exiled tycoon's pledge to finance the Left
Opposition.
Under Yushenkov's
leadership, Liberal Russia's political council voted 9-4 with four
abstentions to expel Berezovsky from the party. He tried to fight back,
securing support from some of Liberal Russia's provincial branches. This
split the party, but Yushenkov managed to consolidate his support and
win the Justice Ministry's registration, sidelining Berezovsky.
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NTV asked
Berezovsky on Thursday evening whether he believed investigators
might want to question him over the murder. "I would like very much
to know who exactly gave the order," Berezovsky said. He sought to
play down the split in Liberal Russia and alleged that
the Kremlin could have ordered Yushenkov's murder. |
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I find it very difficult to adjust to this brutal form of "democratic"
politics. Drop me a line
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701
28 April 2003
thinking big
Fabians are good at
thinking ahead of the political game. And as the authority of global
organisations comes under threat, they have properly focused on forms of
globalisation, both of
the Left and of the Right What matters, it is
argued, is the
precise form of "globalisation", not simply some general
phenomenon.
That's as may be. But
I hanker for a simple
statement of those individual rights
which we should advocate world-wide, rights that carry conviction in every language, every political system.
I set out below what I have in mind, as a
Universal Common Denominator
of human entitlement.
Under each head, one must allow for the most enormous differences in levels
of actual achievement - but that does not invalidate (I say...) the force of
the generic framework...
- For the young - good
peri-natal care, nurture and education constitute the bedrock entitlement
of all mankind, encompassing the food and water needed for children to
thrive and grow to adulthood - this entitlement resonates in every
society, in the priorities and ambitions of every human being - the
definition of adulthood is bound to vary from society to society, and
countries will long remain grievously unequal in the extent of the
assurance they can give to their young - but this principle is capable of
commanding universal support and adherence.
For the old
- the assurance of continued support in old age, as earning capacity
declines - for all human beings, the fear of impoverishment in old age is
a common experience - societies vary greatly in the mode of assurance
which they offer, but the indications are that all societies will
gravitate towards the payment of a state-guaranteed old age pension -
again, varying greatly in quantum and extent from society to society, but
addressing for each person one of the most disruptive concerns of middle
age.
For the worker - the
assurance that the loss of employment will not trigger an immediate
descent into poverty - the promotion of supportive systems of all kinds,
minimising the fear of unemployment;
For all - a full personal
life presupposes the ability to counter illness and injury, coupled with
access to protection against the ravages of illness and disease - while
societies differ very widely in their approaches to disease and
ill-health, nevertheless the individual is entitled to enjoy a reasonable
share, throughout the whole of life, of appropriate therapeutic resources
For every citizen
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the full and free opportunity to participate
in the life of society and its governance - political traditions and
practices vary widely throughout the globe, generating different
opportunities for citizen participation, but each human being is entitled
to play an appropriate part in the governance of society.
Many conventional "rights and
freedoms", developed within a Western European context, are either missing
from this list, or incorporated only obliquely - property rights, freedom of
opinion, religious expression, right to housing, right to work, lifelong
learning, freedom of
movement, freedom of association.
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That is not to deny their authority or relevance. It
is rather to seek a zone of consensus as between different cultures and
political traditions, upon which a new international constitutional
concordat might be grounded.
-
What do you think? Drop me a line
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