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700  21 April 2003   

Moscow Times  Friday 18 April  2003

Liberal Russia's Yushenkov Shot Dead

By Simon Saradzhyan, Nabi Abdullaev and Oksana Yablokova 

 

Sergei Yushenkov, one of Russia's most prominent Liberal Opposition figures and a State Duma deputy, was shot dead in Moscow on Thursday evening in what fellow deputies condemned as an apparent political assassination.

Yushenkov, 52, was gunned down at the entrance to his apartment building in north-western Moscow just hours after the Justice Ministry officially registered his Liberal Russia movement as a party.  In his last public comments, a smiling Yushenkov told reporters in the Duma at 2 pm that the "registration had been completed" and his Party hopes to finish third in the upcoming Duma elections.

At 6.40 pm, an unknown assailant shot him four times in the back after he got out of his chauffeur-driven car and walked toward the entrance of the apartment building at 13/2 Ulitsa Svobody. The assailant then fled, leaving a Makarov pistol equipped with a silencer behind in what bore the mark of a typical contract hit, Police said.

Yushenkov, a co-chairman of Liberal Russia and a member of the Duma's Security Committee, had not been involved in any business activities - unlike some other Deputies who have been killed in recent years, his colleagues said. Yushenkov is the ninth Duma deputy to be killed in the past nine years.  None of the killings has been solved. Leaders of Liberal Russia immediately described the killing as a political assassination.   "The murder is purely political in nature. ... I call it a continuation because Yushenkov is the second Liberal Russia co-chairman to be murdered," Yuly Rybakov, a prominent member of Liberal Russia and an independent Duma deputy, said in a telephone interview from his home in St. Petersburg.

Born in 1950 in a village located in what is now the northwestern Tver region, Yushenkov entered an academy for Soviet military political instructors in Siberia in 1974. He subsequently pursued an academic career, teaching Marxist philosophy at the Military Political Academy, where he rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel and earned a Ph.D.

Yushenkov left his teaching job in 1990 to pursue a political career as a democrat as the disintegration process gained speed across the Soviet Union. He was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation in 1990 and was among the deputies who resisted the coup attempt by hard-liners in August 1991. He became known to the general public after persuading a commander of a tank unit sent by the hard-liners to storm the White House to switch sides and support defenders of the parliament building led by Boris Yeltsin.

Yushenkov continued to support Yeltsin in the first few years of post-Communist Russia, but then fell out with the Kremlin after the beginning of the war in Chechnya in 1994.  He is survived by his wife, daughter Yelena, 19, and son Alexei, 25.

"Liberal Russia has obviously become a bone in the throat for someone," said Rybakov, who said he had been assaulted and felt his own life was in danger.  Rybakov alleged that Yushenkov was killed for his efforts to find evidence to back up allegations that the Federal Security Service was involved in the apartment bombings that killed some 300 people in 1999. The authorities maintain that the bombings were ordered by Chechen-based warlords, and several natives of the North Caucasus have been brought to trial on charges of preparing and executing the bombings.

Duma Deputy Viktor Pokhmelkin, Yushenkov's co-chairman in Liberal Russia, said he believes the murder was a political hit aimed at bringing the liberal opposition "to its knees."  "It is clear that the murder has a political character," a visibly shaken Pokhmelkin told reporters who had gathered outside the police cordon.  But he chose not to speculate on who could have been behind the killing and whether it could have been connected to the killing of Golovlyov.

The Kremlin Press Service reacted to the murder by saying that President Vladimir Putin had been informed and had expressed his condolences to Yushenkov's family and colleagues. "I am deeply shaken by the tragic news. ... A man who believed it was his duty to protect democratic freedoms and ideals is gone," the Press Service quoted Putin as saying.

The murder created a furore in the Duma, with most of the factions and all of the interviewed deputies calling the hit "political".  "This is a particular challenge for society because this murder was committed on the day when Liberal Russia officially declared the completion of its registration by the Justice Ministry," Duma Speaker Gennady Seleznyov said.

 

 

 

 

Yushenkov and Golovlyov walked out of the Union of Right Forces at its founding congress in May 2001 to set up Liberal Russia after securing financing from controversial business tycoon Boris Berezovsky. The party was not officially founded until 2002, only to see the Justice Ministry turn down its registration bid in July, citing inconsistencies in its charter. Back then, Yushenkov blamed the refusal on the Justice Ministry's unwillingness to see a party affiliated with Berezovsky operate in Russia.  Soon enough, however, Yushenkov fell out with Berezovsky over the exiled tycoon's pledge to finance the Left Opposition.

Under Yushenkov's leadership, Liberal Russia's political council voted 9-4 with four abstentions to expel Berezovsky from the party. He tried to fight back, securing support from some of Liberal Russia's provincial branches. This split the party, but Yushenkov managed to consolidate his support and win the Justice Ministry's registration, sidelining Berezovsky.

NTV asked Berezovsky on Thursday evening whether he believed investigators might want to question him over the murder. "I would like very much to know who exactly gave the order," Berezovsky said. He sought to play down the split in Liberal Russia and alleged that the Kremlin could have ordered Yushenkov's murder.  

 

I find it very difficult to adjust to this brutal form of "democratic" politics.   Drop me a line

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701   28 April 2003  

thinking big

Fabians are good at thinking ahead of the political game.  And as the authority of global organisations comes under threat, they have properly focused on forms of globalisation, both of the Left and of the Right  What matters, it is argued, is the precise form of "globalisation", not simply some general phenomenon. 

That's as may be.  But I hanker for a simple statement of those individual rights which we should advocate world-wide, rights that carry conviction in every language, every political system. 

I set out below what I have in mind, as a Universal Common Denominator of human entitlement.  Under each head, one must allow for the most enormous differences in levels of actual achievement - but that does not invalidate (I say...) the force of the generic framework...

  1. For the young - good peri-natal care, nurture and education constitute the bedrock entitlement of all mankind, encompassing the food and water needed for children to thrive and grow to adulthood - this entitlement resonates in every society, in the priorities and ambitions of every human being - the definition of adulthood is bound to vary from society to society, and countries will long remain grievously unequal in the extent of the assurance they can give to their young - but this principle is capable of commanding universal support and adherence.
  2. For the old - the assurance of continued support in old age, as earning capacity declines - for all human beings, the fear of impoverishment in old age is a common experience - societies vary greatly in the mode of assurance which they offer, but the indications are that all societies will gravitate towards the payment of a state-guaranteed old age pension - again, varying greatly in quantum and extent from society to society, but addressing for each person one of the most disruptive concerns of middle age.
  3. For the worker - the assurance that the loss of employment will not trigger an immediate descent into poverty - the promotion of supportive systems of all kinds, minimising the fear of unemployment;
  4. For all - a full personal life presupposes the ability to counter illness and injury, coupled with access to protection against the ravages of illness and disease - while societies differ very widely in their approaches to disease and ill-health, nevertheless the individual is entitled to enjoy a reasonable share, throughout the whole of life, of appropriate therapeutic resources
  5. For every citizen - the full and free opportunity to participate in the life of society and its governance - political traditions and practices vary widely throughout the globe, generating different opportunities for citizen participation, but each human being is entitled to play an appropriate part in the governance of society.

Many conventional "rights and freedoms", developed within a Western European context, are either missing from this list, or incorporated only obliquely - property rights, freedom of opinion, religious expression, right to housing, right to work, lifelong learning, freedom of movement, freedom of association. 

  • That is not to deny their authority or relevance.  It is rather to seek a zone of consensus as between different cultures and political traditions, upon which a new international constitutional concordat might be grounded.

     

  • What do you think?  Drop me a line

 

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