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item0040C 704, 705
704
28 April 2003
"Anti-racism" is
not enough
We are right
to be concerned with the rise of
the British National Party, with the popular resentment of refugees, and
with the tendency of politicians to play the race card. But these
nasty trends will not be countered by the barren language of "anti-racism".
For in campaigning terms, it is impossible to negate a negative.
Racism
is profoundly wrong because it infringes the most basic principles of equality -
equality of treatment, equality of respect, equality of status. Racism
is not one policy among a clutch of policies: it strikes a blow at the very
moral and philosophical
foundations of liberal democracy, and has to be countered by the positive
assertion of core values. It calls for the assertion of universal
parity of individual status, as a core value. It takes the debate close to religious territory,
and to the very foundations of non-conformist European individualism.
The Quakers assert the need to respond to
that of God in every man,
as the very
starting-point for their distinctive egalitarian position. The
founding fathers of Quakerism in the 1650s strove to assert equality in
every phase of life
- they rejected elaborate dress, forms of speech and social pretension, any
form of clerical superiority, all differentiating ritual, even
differentiation of headstones in Quaker burial places.
For Quakers,
perhaps more explicitly than for any other "protestant" denomination, the
rejection of status differentiation goes to the very core of their religious
perception, to their very forms of religious organisation, practices and
procedures. And the lessons for the political cadres is an
intimidating one. For a real, substantive commitment to equality has
huge ramifications for every aspect
of policy - in terms
of racial and gender equality, and constructive engagement with the
challenges of disability, and social discrimination, of all kinds. If
a Party takes equality seriously, the commitment interpenetrates every
aspect of its programme, informs its every value.
That is why "anti-racism" is not enough.
Nor is it enough to identify the racist elements in our society as mere
political opponents (as does the symbolism of the
Anti-Nazi League). The need is to re-state our
political philosophies (whether categorised as
socialist or liberal democrat)
- asserting individual equality at their very core. On the Left, every
manifesto, every programme, every speech, should be subject to an
Equality Audit, however informal.
- If that is
done, we will come to
understand the centrality of equality, in every phase of our social and
political order.
How do you think about this
central political issue? Drop me a line
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705
28 April 2003
Baghdad
the learning curve
In the
chaos of post-war Baghdad, the sinews of the modern economy are laid
dramatically and painfully bare. It is quite clear,
for those who wish to
see, that all the basic institutions of our society are
governmental.
The primacy of
public order is brutally self-evident. The much vaunted "market" can only
operate, if all the necessary public institutions are already firmly in
place. Indeed, all transactions (including governmental transactions)
are clearly integral to the overall economy. Rightwing economic theory
("...it is business that creates the wealth, which the public sector
spends...") is shown up as a sham.
The sudden and complete collapse of the Iraqi "system" is taking place
before our very eyes. The long and painful reconstruction of post-War
Germany went largely unseen, before the days of TV. And in re-building the economy, it is
governmental services that must
be reinstated first - the hospitals must be re-supplied and policed, the
schools must re-start, the buses must run again.
The primacy of public service is asserted, with every succeeding News
Bulletin. For all those with an interest in politics,
the lesson is a salutary one - both for Tories
and the aficionados of New Labour.
What matters to the people of Baghdad
is, first and foremost, public order - policing, the protection of public
and private property, the provision of water and electricity supplies.
Small traders can bring in vegetables and staple foods from the countryside,
but that is not sufficient for the reinstatement of a contemporary ordered
civic life. It is even suggested that a majority of the citizens of
Baghdad were actually on the Government payroll - as their functions are not
being organised, they have no pay and their savings are running out.
The rightwing model of the economy
-
that it is business that
creates the wealth, which the public sector then spends - is revealed
for the economic claptrap that it has always been. The governmental
sector consists of those transactions which are
so important to the economy
that they have to be put on a mandatory footing - paid for out of mandatory
taxation. All political activists bear the heavy responsibility to
designate, as public service functions, only those which are of key
importance. That is where
my doctrine of Public Primacy comes in.
But there's more. Because
it is also Government that sets
all the important ground-rules for the operation of markets within the
economy. Company law constitutes one of the key
management-systems, specified exclusively by Government. Anti-trust
law, competition law, restrictive trade practices, price-fixing,
insider-trading - these all interpenetrate the daily operation of markets,
within the wider system.
Indeed, it is entirely misleading to speak of - and to think in terms of
- a "market economy". There is no such
thing. There are only managed systems which are
more-or-less dirigiste, more-or-less efficient, more-or-less
permissive, more-or-less lax, more-or-less venal, more-or-less corrupt -
more-or-less socialist.
- The tragedy of Baghdad, unfolding before our eyes,
has a lot to teach
us.
- PS Great pictures - unashamedly copied from the marvellous public
service BBC Website.
This perspective places heavy
responsibility upon socialists like me.
Do you think I have got it right? Drop me a line
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