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704  28 April 2003   

"Anti-racism" is not enough

We are right to be concerned with the rise of the British National Party, with the popular resentment of refugees, and with the tendency of politicians to play the race card.  But these nasty trends will not be countered by the barren language of "anti-racism". 

For in campaigning terms, it is impossible to negate a negative.  Racism is profoundly wrong because it infringes the most basic principles of equality - equality of treatment, equality of respect, equality of status.  Racism is not one policy among a clutch of policies: it strikes a blow at the very moral and philosophical foundations of liberal democracy, and has to be countered by the positive assertion of core values.  It calls for the assertion of universal parity of individual status, as a core value.  It takes the debate close to religious territory, and to the very foundations of non-conformist European individualism.  The Quakers assert the need to respond to that of God in every man, as the very starting-point for their distinctive egalitarian position.  The founding fathers of Quakerism in the 1650s strove to assert equality in every phase of life - they rejected elaborate dress, forms of speech and social pretension, any form of clerical superiority, all differentiating ritual, even differentiation of headstones in Quaker burial places.

For Quakers, perhaps more explicitly than for any other "protestant" denomination, the rejection of status differentiation goes to the very core of their religious perception, to their very forms of religious organisation, practices and procedures.  And the lessons for the political cadres is an intimidating one.  For a real, substantive commitment to equality has huge ramifications for every aspect of policy - in terms of racial and gender equality, and constructive engagement with the challenges of disability, and social discrimination, of all kinds.  If a Party takes equality seriously, the commitment interpenetrates every aspect of its programme, informs its every value.

That is why "anti-racism" is not enoughNor is it enough to identify the racist elements in our society as mere political opponents (as does the symbolism of the Anti-Nazi League).   The need is to re-state our political philosophies (whether categorised as socialist or liberal democrat) - asserting individual equality at their very core.  On the Left, every manifesto, every programme, every speech, should be subject to an Equality Audit, however informal.

  • If that is done, we will come to understand the centrality of equality, in every phase of our social and political order.

How do you think about this central political issue?  Drop me a line

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705   28 April 2003  

Baghdad
the learning curve

In the chaos of post-war Baghdad, the sinews of the modern economy are laid dramatically and painfully bare. It is quite clear, for those who wish to see, that all the basic institutions of our society are governmentalThe primacy of public order is brutally self-evident. The much vaunted "market" can only operate, if all the necessary public institutions are already firmly in place. Indeed, all transactions (including governmental transactions) are clearly integral to the overall economy.  Rightwing economic theory ("...it is business that creates the wealth, which the public sector spends...") is shown up as a sham.

The sudden and complete collapse of the Iraqi "system" is taking place before our very eyes.  The long and painful reconstruction of post-War Germany went largely unseen, before the days of TV.  And in re-building the economy, it is governmental services that must be reinstated first - the hospitals must be re-supplied and policed, the schools must re-start, the buses must run again.  

The primacy of public service is asserted, with every succeeding News Bulletin.  For all those with an interest in politics, the lesson is a salutary one - both for Tories and the aficionados of New Labour.

What matters to the people of Baghdad is, first and foremost, public order - policing, the protection of public and private property, the provision of water and electricity supplies.  Small traders can bring in vegetables and staple foods from the countryside, but that is not sufficient for the reinstatement of a contemporary ordered civic life.  It is even suggested that a majority of the citizens of Baghdad were actually on the Government payroll - as their functions are not being organised, they have no pay and their savings are running out.

The rightwing model of the economy - that it is business that creates the wealth, which the public sector then spends - is revealed for the economic claptrap that it has always been. The governmental sector consists of those transactions which are so important to the economy that they have to be put on a mandatory footing - paid for out of mandatory taxation.  All political activists bear the heavy responsibility to designate, as public service functions, only those which are of key importance.  That is where my doctrine of Public Primacy comes in.

But there's more.  Because it is also Government that sets all the important ground-rules for the operation of markets within the economy.   Company law constitutes one of the key management-systems, specified exclusively by Government.  Anti-trust law, competition law, restrictive trade practices, price-fixing, insider-trading - these all interpenetrate the daily operation of markets, within the wider system.

Indeed, it is entirely misleading to speak of - and to think in terms of - a "market economy".  There is no such thing.  There are only managed systems which are more-or-less dirigiste, more-or-less efficient, more-or-less permissive, more-or-less lax, more-or-less venal, more-or-less corrupt - more-or-less socialist.

  • The tragedy of Baghdad, unfolding before our eyes,
    has a lot to teach us.

  • PS Great pictures - unashamedly copied from the marvellous public service BBC Website.

This perspective places heavy responsibility upon socialists like me. Do you think I have got it right?  Drop me a line

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