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item0042B 722, 723 28 May 2003Election, not Referendum Nothing can conceal the failure of Blair’s management of European issues. True, his credibility has been grievously damaged by his Iraq misjudgments, and that must have undermined his self-confidence, when he communes with his mirror. Does the PM have a cunning plan to sort it all out? Because he needs just that, to counter growing public concern both with the Euro and the new EU Constitution. Hauteur will not be enough. Well, I do have a cunning plan. If I were Tony Blair, I would make sure that on 9 June no new commitment were made, to hold any Referendum at all, on anything European. I am firmly committed to representative democracy, and I consider the use of referenda for great, complex decisions entirely inappropriate. A Referendum campaign would bring out all the worst in the British people – Little Englander emotions, xenophobia, race hatred - the lot. It would be deeply irresponsible of Blair to unleash such forces. Equally, Blair not handling the new EU Constitution issues well. I would stop Peter Hain talking down their significance. This is much more than a mere “tidying-up operation”: we all know that the changes are important, managerially and politically, and that they will have a positive effect in mobilising the resources of the great European community of nations. I would then sit out the storm until this time next year, focusing on domestic issues, and insisting that on the European front, “the time is not yet”. By June 2004, the constitutional proposals will be ready for final decision, the European Elections will be out of the way, and the currency debate will have rambled on for another year.
But I would still not call a Referendum. I would call a General Election for the early Autumn, in the first half of October, forcing the cancellation of the political conferences and challenging the electorate to reject Labour, on a pro-European Manifesto. That would be the right democratic option. And Labour would win. Do you recognise the cogency of this analysis? Drop me a line
31 May 2003 This is the text of the Attorney General's 26 March 2003 advice to the Prime Minister on the limitations of Britain's options for the conduct of post-war operations in Iraq, as a matter international law. It has been published in full in this week's New Statesman. CONFIDENTIAL To: PRIME MINISTER IRAQ: AUTHORISATION FOR AN INTERIM ADMINISTRATION
a. Art. 43 of the Hague Regulations imposes an obligation to respect the laws in force in the occupied territory “unless absolutely prevented”. Thus, while some changes to the legislative and administrative structures of Iraq may be permissible if they are necessary for security or public order reasons, or in order to further humanitarian objectives, more wide-ranging reforms of governmental and administrative structures would not be lawful; b. Geneva Convention IV prohibits, subject to certain limited exceptions,any lalteration in the status of public officials or judges (although officials may be removed from post in certain circumstances); c. Geneva Convention IV also require that the penal laws of the occupied territory must remain in force except where they constitute a threat to security or an obstacle to the application of the Convention. In addition, the Courts of the occupied territory must be allowed to continue to function. There are limited exceptions allowing the the Occupying Power to promulgate its own laws in order to fulfil its functions under the Convention and to maintain security and public order, but in principle the existing structures for the administration of justice must remain in place;
The Rt Hon the Lord Goldsmith QC Attorney General 26 March 2003 What do you think of that? Drop me a line
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