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748   30 June 2003   

Consumers are revolting

Don't let the use of the jargon term "consumer" confuse you.  It simply refers to you and me, deciding what to do and what to buy this week, next week, this July, this August.  And most of us are experiencing increasing anxiety, reducing our consumption, trying to increase effective savings against a rainy day. 

"Lack of domestic consumer demand" is now weakening every major global national economy - US, UK, Japan, Canada, France, Germany - and domestic demand elsewhere (India, China, South America) is simply not strong enough to take over as a locomotive power for thee world.

How are these anxieties to be countered, and a reasonable degree of confidence rebuilt, in the future?  How is the confidence to consume be re-created?  For me, this is the greatest current challenge to our powers of political judgment.

My own judgement is that the fears of the world's citizens should be addressed by Governments, in this priority order.  I would badger all my fellow Heads of State to pursue precisely the same priorities.

  1. Pull back from international aggression - Bush has done untold damage to the peace of mind of much of the world's population.  Britain's complicity in this disruptive campaign adds to the anxiety of many.  TV channels are dominated by war and the pictures of war, and America continues to assert its right of unilateral aggression. This has profoundly unsettling effects, both explicit and subliminal.  If the world economy is to resume growth, the USA must develop more peaceful ways and help to re-build the United Nations and its agencies.

  2. Move to counter universal fears of impoverishment in old age - each country has its own systems, but the fear of impoverishment is real.  These fears are deeply corrosive, and interpenetrate all aspects of life. Throughout Europe and the USA, popular confidence in old-age provision (whether public or private sector) is weakening, with no hint of optimism on the horizon.

  3. Make sure that health services remove from the shoulders of each citizen the great fears of illness, disease and disability - these problems are more acute in America and Japan than in Europe, but the priority must be assiduously maintained.

  4. Make sure that sustainable arrangements are in place to support the unemployed, at the moment of their loss of employment.

  5. Address realistically the perceived pressures of global migration, which aggravate needlessly all other fears - start negotiating straight away for a humane, honourable and liberal system of international migration management.

If I were Prime Minister, these would be my priorities. Some of these themes are, of course, already being addressed.   Everything else would take second place - traffic congestion, education, tourism, agriculture, GM foods, global warming.  I would even have to downgrade my two personal obsessions - constitutional devolution, and company law reform. 

  • But I do know precisely what I would do.

What would you do, to kick-start the world economy?  Drop me a line

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749   7 July 2003  

Systemic Disarray

The biggest "news story" of our age is too big for the Meeja to recognise, let alone address.  Its ramifications are too awful to contemplate, yet the evidence of it surrounds us each day, before our very eyes.  It is the grave systemic disarray of the international corporate sector - in short, of modern capitalism.

Let me try to explain what I mean. The entire institutional structure of the modern world is dependent upon "artificial personality" - politicians represent "states" or inter-state associations, and derive their status and powers from doing so.  As natural persons, they enjoy a range of privileges and powers which enable them to travel the world with ease - including the right to ignore parking regulations in London!  Businessmen and other traders derive their status and powers from artificial trading "corporations", established by statute law in one state jurisdiction or another. They are licensed to straddle the globe, manipulating increasingly complex business-driven networks of corporations - exercising property-based powers, and given increasing state power by international treaties such as the World Trade Organisation.  The power structures of the globe depend critically upon a diffuse "Global Constitution", derived from a million different rules of law, both common law and statute.

And one section of that Global Constitution is in severe disarray, namely the trading sector, which we have come to think of as the "corporate sector" - though that is misleading, because the governmental sector is equally dependent upon the deployment of artificial personality. Silvio Berlusconi is securing immunity from prosecution - not for himself as a natural person, but for the occupier of an office in a state corporation. Idi Amin escaped prosecution for his crimes, because he claimed they were committed by the occupier of a state office, namely "the President".  General Pinochet, on the other hand, was stripped of the defence "It wasn't me Guv, it was the President of Chile". The world of state corporations poses its own problems, but they are not currently high on the political agenda: indeed, the world has had much longer, historically, to come to terms with them.

The political spotlight is now turned on the Constitution of the trading sector, principally the governance of the commercial "corporate sector". There are over 1,000,000 artificial persons registered-to-trade in the UK, and we are host to over 100,000 "foreign corporations", registered elsewhere but opting to trade in this country. 

The diffuse Constitution of the corporate sector has been shown to be defective in many ways.  In my call for international reform, I set out this indictment -

"The power of trading corporations has increased to unacceptable levels, and ought to be constrained by Governments.  The abuse of corporate power takes the form of workforce exploitation, trade union repression, environmental pollution, money-laundering, destructive relocation, market manipulation, monopolistic exploitation, corporate fraud, bribery, tax evasion, excessive executive remuneration, and the deception of investors. These abuses of power touch every corner of every contemporary society."

And I spell out the consequences in the Newport Manifesto.  The case for reform faces a formidable hurdle: there is no obvious forum, either with or without legislative authority, within which the case can be progressed. The answer is to convene a long-term multi-lateral negotiating round, like the "Uruguay Round" which preceded the formation of the World Trade Organisation.  This constitutes, in my view, the greatest single challenge to our political imagination and ingenuity.

What do you think?  Drop me a line

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