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item0048A 780, 781 11 August 2003
We are being
forced to fight a long and testing rearguard action against this mad,
misconceived, authoritarian measure.
John Wadham, now no longer at the helm of
Let me try to set out the case against ID cards, in cool, intellectual terms. I say the case rests on three high pillars of reason. I Individual sovereignty, freedom from state surveillance. In the UK we have the historical privilege of having started with the John Stuart Mill presumptions, forged well before the emergence of the modern all-embracing "nation state". Most English ideas of individual freedom - freedom of religion, association, expression, freedom from oppressive arrest and prosecution - had already emerged before the French Revolution, thus pre-dating the suffocating assumptions of the nation state of continental Europe. Intellectually, every new state intervention has had to be argued against the presumption of virtual anarchy, certainly a powerful individualist "liberal" slate of presumptions. It is not a bad place to start, in the protection of precious civil liberties. In England, authoritarian initiatives have always been given a tough passage - except in time of war. The worst assaults upon UK freedoms have in recent years occurred in Northern Ireland, where the fog of war has all-too-often obscured understanding. But we should be grateful that in UK politics there is no presumption of state beneficence, of any inherent primacy to be attached to the public interest. The traditional English approach has been to assign a heavy burden of proof to the advocates of any new authoritarian measures.
II Risks of Abuse of Power The hurdle of proof must be raised very high, because we all know that local Police forces would abuse such an ID system if it were every created. I say that, as a pro-Police lawyer and boringly law-abiding citizen. I know perfectly well that the Police have, in an increasing mobile society, profound difficulties in the arrest of criminals and in bringing proof of their guilt - they will use any device, even unscrupulously, in order to achieve their ends. For the poor, the ill-informed and the excluded, the introduction of an ID-card system would spell greater oppression at the hands of local police, a nasty deterioration of their quality of life. If the systemic advantages of such cards were to be so overwhelming that these disadvantages should be accepted, that would be a different matter.
III The need for
effectiv The global management of migration represents one of the biggest issues facing the next generation. The probability is that international migration rates will continue to rise above the present 2.5%-per-year level - and might even reach 4% or 5%. Every society will be called upon to improve its annual capacity to accept visitors and newcomers, for a thousand different reasons. Social institutions and state systems will increasingly have to be designed to accommodate higher rates of population change, varying from city to city, region to region. Fortress territories like Japan* are bound to be by-passed by countries with more welcoming philosophies, more open borders.
In the UK we should be leading the world in the development of police techniques better suited to a modern, mobile, travelling, fluid world - retaining their sensitivity to personal freedom and the sovereignty of the individual.
Where to you stand on the Great ID-Card Debate? Drop me a line
11 August 2003 R
![]() I find myself, on this matter, comfortably aligned with the arch-Tory economist Sir Patrick Minford, now at Cardiff University, formerly of Liverpool. His line is that the individual citizen knows best - certainly that there is no cadre of businessman, banker, consultant or professor capable of double-guessing the accumulated judgment of millions of purchasers, each assessing their own position. And apart from a few well-publicised examples of irrational (or even mentally aberrant) "spending-sprees", it seems to me that the overwhelming majority of our adult fellow-citizens do not over-borrow, indeed they remain very cautious in their credit commitments. The young certainly are less cautious than the old - but that is because they are confident of a much longer period over which to discharge debt, far less conscious of pension or other long-term commitments, and because youth is naturally a time of energetic commitment and consumption - with age, the joys of consumption moderate, so that pensioners are much more difficult to entice into consumption than their younger fellow-citizens. In consumption and credit, as with drugs and sex and rock-and-roll, our society must allow each succeeding generation to make its own mistakes and to learn from those mistakes. While I can imagine circumstances (e.g. recently in Argentina and Brazil) where Governments may have to engage in emergency intervention for reasons of overriding national priority - those occasions are few and far between, and certainly do not even loom upon the UK horizon at the the present time.
What do you think? Drop me a line
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