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802   1 September 2003   

Erskine
and the Byker Wall

I have a special relationship with the Byker Wall in Newcastle, which has just received Listed Building status: see The Guardian.   It is not really a "wall" - it was a linear block of flats, creating high-quality living accommodation, and performing a vital boundary-defining function for a new urban neighbourhood.  The genius of its Architect, Sir Ralph Erskine of Drottningholm (nr Stockholm) once illuminated my life.  He was my architect for the brilliant Bovis Homes estate, at Eaglestone, Milton Keynes.  The first 250 houses at Eaglestone are really the Erskine Estate - go to see them if you can.

I was Managing Director, in 1972, of Bovis Homes Southern Limited, based in Uxbridge, and Milton Keynes fell into my remit.  In a more junior role, I had worked with Erskine on a Bovis development at Newmarket. And the Bovis Board (led by the charismatic Frank Sanderson) wanted to consolidate the company's link with the great Architect.  Why did Ralph Erskine practice out of a Thames barge moored near Stockholm?  Simple, really.  In 1938, having qualified as an Architect with Clifford Culpin & Partners in London, the young Ralph Erskine found himself alienated by the UK's drift to war.  An active Communist, he saw war as part of the capitalist conspiracy to keep the workers of the world in chains - he wanted none of it.  So he emigrated to a neutral country, Sweden.  He bought a London barge, converted it as a drawing-office, and sailed off to Sweden.

When I visited him in Drottningholm in 1972, he had just finished the Byker Wall, and his team were still working on the remainder of the estate from an on-site drawing-office in Byker.  My job was to answer all his questions about Bovis' new development contract with the Milton Keynes Development Corporation - which I had just won in competition, relying in part upon the company's claim to bring Ralph Erskine to Milton Keynes.  But as a committed left-winger (even if no longer the Communist activist of his youth), Ralph remained deeply sceptical of all capitalist intitutions.

His Communism shone through, in his total dedication  to the design of estate housing, whether in the public or the private sector.  He took the simple view that, as an architect, the best contribution he could make to the welfare of working people was to design for them the best possible housing.  His politics conditioned his practice, and he attracted many brilliant young Swedish architects to work with him. True, in later years with a large international practice office to feed, he branched out into commercial buildings (including his remarkable Seagrams building, alongside the elevated section of the M4 Extension, coming into London from the West) - but in 1972 he was concerned solely with housing.  My job was to persuade him that Bovis would be building (a) for ordinary people and that (b) we would not be making "excessive profit" from the deployment of his expertise. These were his preconditions for accepting the assignment.

We got on very well together.  I was intrigued by his sane design priorities, his keen attention to layout rather than house-design detail, his ability to perceive each house from inside, with distinctive lighting and window configuration.  I remember well my negotiations with him over the range of different window frames and shapes I could afford to deploy.  We came to trust each other: he knew I would tell him the truth about the economics of the scheme, and I knew that he would do the best possible job for me, in securing a reasonable degree of commercial success.  Sadly, when I left Bovis Homes to take up my position as Industrial Adviser on Construction to the 1974 Labour Government, our paths divided - and have never crossed since.  My successor at Bovis Homes took a "tougher" commercial approach to the maximisation of profit at Milton Keynes, fell out with Ralph, and the project reverted to a much more conventional estate.

I remain very proud of my relationship with Ralph Erskine - now Sir Ralph, and recipient of the RIBA Gold Medal.  I met only one other architect who conveyed, in all his work, the same commitment to good housing - and that was David Richards, now retired from the Barton Willmore Partnership of Reading.  For most of the architects' profession, "estate housing" remains a Cinderella assignment - something to do, while waiting for a rich Client with some Great Monumental Commission - ugh!  It was Ralph Erskine - and David Richards - who maintained my faith in the profession...

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803  30 August 2003  

Alistair Campbell
was never the problem

I want to "move on", as they say, and forget about Alistair Campbell.  I have considerable admiration for Campbell, because he was good at reading the contemporary media-dominated political arena.  He successfully steered the Labour Government through many meeja shoals and rapids.  But he did nothing to solve the underlying problem of over-concentrated power.

For that is the real challenge.  Why has "media management" become such a political necessity?  One reason lies in the very fact that you are now reading this note, penned a few hours after Campbell's resignation, and published immediately.  Last Wednesday, I was contacted by the BBC Radio 4 as a result of a website article of mine on the Pensions March - I was interviewed in London on Thursday, in Trafalgar Square itself, and the interview is due for transmission this Sunday evening, as part of the Westminster Hour, sometime after 10.30 pm.  The UK meeja move very fast, and their subject is the most concentrated system of power known to the political world - much more concentrated than Beijing, or than the Kremlin ever was.

The UK meeja are good, stuffed with able, footloose, inquiring journalists who quickly tire of themes - and face the constant challenge of "novelty" if their "title" is to continue being read, and generating income.  The BBC has in recent years joined the majority meeja newshound pack.  And the hopelessly centralised power-system of Whitehall and Westminster offers them an unending diet of drama, in-fighting, jealousy, failure tempered by some success, gossip - what a feast!  Alistair Campbell, at the Daily Mirror and a member of that hounding group of journalists, naturally become fascinated by its implications for Government itself.  He understood, as nobody else did, just how great the threat to Labour was, trapped into that Westminster cockpit, that awful bear pit.  He decided to something about it - and played distinctive roles on both sides of the fence.

But the political task is to re-design the fences.  And that can be done only by devolving substantive power to other, smaller and less destructive bear-pits.  Rhodri Morgan and Jack McConnell now have their own media bear pits, in Cardiff and Edinburgh.  And there should be other, new political foci in Bristol, Plymouth, Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds, Newcastle, Nottingham and Norwich.  In the world of the future, high concentrations of power are a systemic political liability, rather than an asset - they are terrorist targets, easy meat for an aggressive meeja, easy lobbying targets for the corporate sector, and much more liable to personal corruption by virtue simply of their gigantic size.  When it comes to modern government, "Big" is a mug's game.

Political power, like wealth, needs far wider redistribution.  Monolithic, over-concentrated systems will simply not survive the competition of the 21st century.  Proper coordination is essential, for "telling the political narrative" (a telling Campbell phrase, which evinces great perception...) The great E-media should be used to coordinate dispersed power-centres where necessary - that is their political role.  Indeed, the lesson learnt by the US military with the invention of the Internet must now be learnt by our politicians and political parties.

  • We are a long way behind.

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