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850   20 October 2003   

Vive la Commune!

I'm back!  Je suis de retour!  Back from a diplomatic mission to Hennebont in South Brittany, to forge new twinning links between Wales and the Breton homeland.  I seek your help and advice, if you have had any experience of the European "twinning movement".

"Twinning" between communities was an emanation of "reconstruction" after WW2.  It was a highlight of relations between France and Germany, and the UK was quickly included in the triangular relationship.   The City of Swansea has long had a fruitful range of contacts with the City of Mannheim, and they have served to enrich the lives of both communities, having some marginal effect in influencing attitudes and prejudices "between  nations".  Swansea school children have greatly benefited from this network, over the years.  General De Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer both gave high priority to the twinning movement between France and Germany, as a primary contributor to reduction of aggressiveness between their countries.

Does "twinning" still have a role to play in our lives?  I believe it does, though perhaps not the same role as in the late 20th century.

First: it is a means of cultivating, and of satisfying, one of mankind's most powerful drives - namely curiosity about other people, other people's homes and lives, other people's idiosyncracies.  And if a community can create, for its own citizens, a welcoming "home from home" in another society, that is a constructive and creative project.  For too many, foreign travel still resembles space travel, limited by language, where ones view is constrained by the inside of the capsule, where the "other" is seen so completely in terms of ones own perceptions that its "otherness" cannot be understood.

Second: for teenagers (whether studying the target language or not), community twinning generates real opportunities to open their personal horizons.  A foreign visit at the age of 13 or 14 or 15 can exercise a profound influence upon a teenagers emerging image of the world.  "Education of the young" represents a powerful motive - perhaps the most important motive - for persevering with twinning relationships.  The creation of opportunities to stay with, and live for a time with, a family from a different culture, remains high on the twinning agenda.

Thirdly: there is the pursuit, in an "international" arena, of sporting and cultural activities that are already "on the home agenda".   Opportunities to travel and play football, or to cycle or to fish or sail or sing - perhaps even to engage in serious competition with those from other communities is clearly a source of great interest and enthusiasm for engaged in these pursuits, and the bond of common interest and enthusiasm lends an additional dimension to the twinning relationship.

Take a look at the stylish website of Hennebont - a small 15,000 population town, one of the larger communes in a Departement with 250 communes - a rich local communallife - within 48 hours of our initial meeting-and-greeting, twinning (jumelage) cuttings appeared in two different local/regional newspapers...The French have a gift for localness, for practicality, for rootedness, for local allegiances, which would we do well to acknowledge and honour..

There are nevertheless formidable motivational and organisational hurdles ahead - can you advise me?  Drop me a line

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851  25 October 2003  

Housing Troubles ahead for Labour

UK housing is in crisis.  "Shortage" fuels a price storm, triggered by low interest rates.  There is very little building other than for private sale for owner-occupation.  And even Labour's most recent  designations of residential land in southern England will fail to address the problem.

How has this happened?  The systemic governmental faultlines run very deep indeed, and have crippled both Tory and Labour governments.  I should know.  In the 1970s, I had the opportunity of serving the Labour Government (Minister: Tony Crosland) as its Industrial Adviser on Construction.   

Whitehall has a long history of proximity to the construction industry.  Yet it has "institutionally" (as they say) failed to grasp that it is the development industry which decides what happens in our towns - NOT the construction industry.   The construction industry is merely a service industry, competing for contracts awarded by "clients", or promoters, developers, in both the public and private sectors.  It is the clients who decide what is to be built, and when, and to what specification - not the construction industry.  In understanding the economy, it is to the clients' decisions that one must have regard, not to the construction industry at all.

"The Developers" are all those who decide, commercially, what is to be built, where, and when.  True, their room-for-manoeuvre is severely constrained (in UK society) by planning authorities - and that is part of the problem.  The technical requirements of the Building Regulations also restrict them: once they have decided what to build and where, they must comply with all the technical constraints applying to those particular circumstances.  The political unpopularity of "the Developer" has inhibited official understanding of the issues.  The House Builders Federation is essentially an association of residential property developers - but they prefer to call themselves housebuilders, which sounds cuddlier and warmer and less threatening than the nasty term developer.  But the truth is that they are developers, bearing the full risks of acquiring the land, securing an appropriate planning consent, building, marketing and selling the entire house.  Compared with the high-risk, capital-intensive business of property development, the construction industry has a very easy time indeed, and earns relatively minor profits.

The failure of the senior Civil Service to understand these matters has crippled successive Labour and Tory governments.  The development industry has been grossly underestimated, traduced, ignored.  Our national house-construction programme has now collapsed (to the 2002 total of 170,000, or well under 1% of the housing-stock each year...) simply because Governments have failed to heed to warnings of the development industry.  Many of the problems are reflected in the awful fallacies which grip the town-and-country planning system.

But more important is the failure of Labour to overcome the awesome failures of the 1980s Tories, in particular the anti-development Ministers like John Gummer (where is he now..?)  I am mortified by Labour's failure to get to grips with this primary element of civilised life - and I fear that John Prescott's panic moves to make up for lost time, around Cambridge and the Thames Gateway, will come to a sticky end.

Labour should -

  • Release Green Belt land for housing, wherever it is not being put to a higher-priority urban use (e.g. parks, nurseries, market-gardens, nature reserves, active farms, sports facilities)
  • Declare a presumption in favour of development in the case of all non-designated land (known as "white land" in the planning systems);
  • Abolish the abusive practice of reserving "affordable housing" out of private residential development schemes;
  • Restrict the range of oppressive "deals" capable of being imposed by local planning authorities, who widely abuse their powers under Section 106 of the principal Planning Act.

Does that sound Tory?  Not a bit of it!  The Shire Tories would run a mile from such a liberating strategy.  Labour should be unleashing the forces of the market to aid all lower-income households - and should go on "releasing" land for housing until the pent-up demand is met.  The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath.  Labour should be making common cause with the development industry. The industry is one of the very few that makes money from the inducement of social change - properly understood, it is one of Labour's natural allies.

  • But will the Civil Service ever get the message?  And will Labour ever summon up the courage to abandon Tory policies?

What do you think?  Drop me a line

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