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item0067A  970, 971

970   1 April 2004  

"Prison Last!"
           ....that's my policy

Prison works!  trumpeted Michael Howard, when Home Secretary.  And yet historically, our society only stumbled into the mass use of “imprisonment”, as an imperialist afterthought, once all options of deporting to the Colonies were exhausted.  There never has been a convincing rationale for imprisonment, whether as deterrent, as revenge, or deferred education – all of which have been prayed-in-aid, to justify the system.  Yet Cherie Blair has called for the imprisonment of fewer women.  And we also imprison too many children, too many intoxicant-addicts, too many of the mentally ill and too many of the educationally backward.  Our imprisonment rate is by far the highest in Europe. 

  • The difficulty really lies, not with “prison”, but with the general phenomenon of government by prohibition, and with the consequential use of imprisonment as a public sanction for prohibited behaviour.

All societies need (I dogmatically assert…) some kind of predictable social and legal order.  From my anthropological and sociological studies (and I was once - believe it or not - a PhD Sociology student at LSE…) I have concluded that the human condition is inextricably bound up with the operation of structures, systems, customes, conventions, mores.  Social systems differ most enormously, from one local to another, but they have in common a sense of civic order.  There is even honour among thieves, recognising the “order” of criminal communities.  

It seems that humankind depends, for survival of the species, upon the cultivation of forms of predictable personal and social order.  “If you do A, then B will follow…” - “If you fail to do C, then D will follow…” - “If you take these precautions, this is what will happen…”  If disorder reigns, great human distress, physical and mental illness quickly supervene.  The currently high rate of suicide among young American soldiers in Iraq is a sure sign of the destructive disorder which they are experiencing. 

Each ordered society seeks, through its institutions, to inculcate in succeeding generations, a due “sense of order”.  Older citizens, who have grown to understand the profound significance of such a sense, become acutely conscious of the need to cultivate it among succeeding generations.  For some institutions (such as schools, and religious institutions) that process forms part of their rationale.  And it is clear that, in that process of acculturation, the device of prohibition must sometimes be used.  Thou shalt not…  Many other devices are of course deployed by society: social disgrace (naming and shaming), positive inducements or rewards, the targeted dissemination of information, raising educational standards.   

  • But prohibition, accompanied by some threat of adverse consequence, has become more and more important.  And for the Governments of modern states, prohibition sometimes seems to be the only tool available.  If resources for education are scarce, if religions lose their force, if the impact of social stigmatisation weakens, if inducements are ineffective, then prohibition may seem the only way for Governments to proceed.

So far, so unexceptionable.  I do not know of any society which has operated without prohibition of some kind – after all, “thou shalt not kill” reflects a universal taboo, does it not? 

It follows that the key issue lies not in the prohibition itself, but in the sanction chosen.  What form of adverse consequence should follow, for the person behaving in the prohibited way?  If you declare any form of behaviour to be a crime, there must be designated some consequence, in some sense adverse.  And our society simply makes far too much use, both as a matter of law and of Court practice, of the consequence of "imprisonment".

  • That’s the problem.  I say that this problem has to be tackled at three levels. 

Level One  Reducing scope of prohibition.  We have prohibited too many forms of behaviour.  As a society, we have over-used the device of prohibition.  Remember the example of London Underground management, who made a dramatic success of removing their prohibition upon subterranean busking: they have converted it into a form of legitimate entertainment.  Our Police face an impossible task, with thousands upon thousands of criminal offences that they never have time to enforce: many of these should simply be removed from the criminal register altogether, and alternative control techniques considered (if indeed, any are in truth required).  For example, we should not be attempting to prohibit - 

  • the consumption of “illegal drugs”

  • certain driving offences (adult seat-belts, helmets)

  • school truancy

  • immigration without consent

  • minor property theft from public places

Level Two   Finding non-custodial options – there is much more that we could do to keep offenders out of prison by making and enforcing compensation: in other societies, far greater prominence is given to the payment of “reparations” to those harmed by prohibited behaviour.  Cost-reimbursement orders, if signalled well in advance, could be used more widely – although conventional “fines” seem to have limited effect, and such orders are widely ignored.  I am much more relaxed about electronic tagging than I used to be, provided that it is signalled well in advance, and is known to be an “orderly consequence” of certain forms of behaviour.  In some cases, the right course for “parent convicts” is to allow them to continue to look after their children, under Probation service supervision, avoiding imprisonment for as long as they do so, and imposing lighter forms of penalty. 

Prison could be retained for failure to make reparations, or look after families, as ordered by a Court.  Driving licences could be withdrawn, for offences unrelated to driving, and one might make further use of vehicle-confiscation, plus disqualification from vehicle-ownership.  I can imagine that for certain cases a “business ban” would be appropriate, preventing a convicted criminal from carrying on business even as a sole-trader: at the moment, there is only disqualification as a company Director, which permits continued trading as a sole-trader.  Disruptive work-orders could be used (e.g  attendance at work during football matches, for football hooligans…).  I would even contemplate time-limited Passport withdrawal, as a punishment.   All of these could be publicised as sanctions, to be used before the Courts move to the use of imprisonment. 

Equally, it is possible to make serious mistakes, in the use of sanctions.  It is wrong to withdraw benefits which go to the fundamentals of life – Blair once threatened to withdraw Housing Benefit for anti-social behaviour, but was rightly opposed, and the idea did not proceed.  And I am very disturbed by the use of ASBOs to restrict the personal freedom of young people, in their mid-teens: such techniques are suitable for adults, but not for children.   Finally, we should not send out mixed messages by using “community service” as a punishment – that is corrosive of the rationale of public, voluntary service itself, and is profoundly unwise.

Level Three    Imprisonment should be the very last resort - when all forms of prior sanction or inducement have failed.  And even “prison” needs re-thinking. The Court of Human Rights at Strasbourg has this week required the UK to remove the bar on electoral-voting by convicts, for that constitutes a breach of their Convention rights.  Indeed, the UK Prison Service decisions have on many occasions been overturned by the Judges at Strasbourg.  And if prisons were reserved only for the most serious offenders, I would accept much tougher security controls.  Tougher prison regimes should be tempered by an assiduous respect for prisoners’ human rights.

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971  30 March 2004  

Voter apathy 
a new perspective

I do not subscribe to current theories about "voter apathy".  I do not consider my fellow citizens to be irresponsible, or "apathetic".  I am in the process, this weekend, of writing my own Ward Manifesto, for my election campaign in June, when I am seeking election to Swansea City Council.  And I know that the issues raised are of keen importance to local residents - everything has a city focus, is comprehensible, and relevant.

What if the electors, in staying away at General Elections, are simply reluctant to endorse a highly-centralised London Government machine, staffed by career politicians?  And what if at local elections, abstention is driven by the parallel perception that Councils no longer "make a difference", given the dominance of Westminster?  What if centralised governance has fallen victim to its own ubiquitous success?

What if the voters are, albeit subconsciously, deliberately refusing to bestow legitimacy upon an unpopular constitutional settlement, which offers them no effective involvement? 

  • Would they respond more enthusiastically to a localised, federal Constitutional settlement, in which more genuine power were vested -
    in Swansea? 

    I suspect the answer to that question is YES.

What do you think?  Drop me a line

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