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Bevan re-visited
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item0067A 970, 971
970
1 April 2004
"Prison Last!"
....that's my policy
“ Prison
works!”
trumpeted Michael
Howard, when Home Secretary. And yet historically, our society only
stumbled into the mass use of “imprisonment”, as an imperialist
afterthought, once all options of deporting to the Colonies were
exhausted. There never has been a convincing rationale for imprisonment,
whether as deterrent, as revenge, or deferred education – all of which have
been prayed-in-aid, to justify the system.
Yet Cherie Blair has called for the imprisonment of fewer women. And
we also imprison too many children, too many intoxicant-addicts, too many of
the mentally ill and too many of the educationally backward. Our
imprisonment rate is by far the highest in Europe.
-
The difficulty really lies, not with “prison”, but with the general
phenomenon of government by prohibition, and with the
consequential use of imprisonment as a public sanction for prohibited
behaviour.
All
societies need (I dogmatically assert…) some kind of predictable
social and legal order. From my anthropological and sociological studies
(and I was once - believe it or not - a PhD Sociology student at LSE…) I
have concluded that the human condition is inextricably bound up with the
operation of structures, systems, customes, conventions, mores.
Social systems differ most enormously, from one local to another, but they
have in common a sense of civic order. There is even honour among
thieves, recognising the “order” of criminal communities.
It
seems that humankind depends, for survival of the species, upon the
cultivation of forms of predictable personal and social order. “If you
do A, then B will follow…” - “If you fail to do C, then D will follow…” -
“If you take these precautions, this is what will happen…” If disorder
reigns, great human distress, physical and mental illness quickly
supervene. The currently high rate of suicide among young American soldiers
in Iraq is a sure sign of the destructive disorder which they are
experiencing.
Each
ordered society seeks, through its institutions, to inculcate in succeeding
generations, a due “sense of order”. Older citizens, who have grown to
understand the profound significance of such a sense, become acutely
conscious of the need to cultivate it among succeeding generations. For
some institutions (such as schools, and religious institutions) that
process forms part of their rationale. And it is clear that, in that
process of acculturation, the device of prohibition must
sometimes be used. Thou shalt not… Many other devices are of
course deployed by society: social disgrace (naming and shaming),
positive inducements or rewards, the targeted dissemination of information,
raising educational standards.
-
But prohibition, accompanied by some threat of adverse
consequence, has become more and more important. And for the Governments
of modern states, prohibition sometimes seems to be the only
tool available. If resources for education are scarce, if religions lose
their force, if the impact of social stigmatisation weakens, if
inducements are ineffective, then prohibition may seem the
only way for Governments to proceed.
So far, so
unexceptionable.
I do not know of any society which has operated without prohibition of some
kind – after all, “thou shalt not kill” reflects a universal
taboo, does it not?
It
follows that the
key issue lies not in the prohibition itself, but in the sanction
chosen. What form of adverse consequence should follow, for
the person behaving in the prohibited way? If you
declare any form of behaviour to be a crime, there must be designated
some consequence, in some sense adverse. And our society simply makes far too much use,
both as a matter of law and of Court practice, of the consequence of "imprisonment".
Level One
Reducing scope of prohibition.
We have prohibited too many forms of behaviour. As a society, we have
over-used the device of prohibition. Remember the example of London
Underground management, who made a dramatic success of removing their
prohibition upon subterranean busking: they have converted it into a form of
legitimate entertainment. Our Police face an impossible task, with
thousands upon thousands of criminal offences that they never have time to
enforce: many of these should simply be removed from the criminal register
altogether, and alternative control techniques considered (if indeed, any
are in truth required). For example, we should not be attempting to
prohibit -
-
the consumption of
“illegal drugs”
-
certain driving
offences (adult seat-belts, helmets)
-
school truancy
-
immigration without
consent
-
minor property theft
from public places
Level Two
Finding non-custodial
options –
there is much more that we could do to keep offenders out of prison by
making and enforcing compensation: in other societies, far greater
prominence is given to the payment of “reparations” to those harmed by
prohibited behaviour. Cost-reimbursement orders, if signalled well in
advance, could be used more widely – although conventional “fines” seem to
have limited effect, and such orders are widely ignored. I am much more
relaxed about electronic tagging than I used to be, provided that it is
signalled well in advance, and is known to be an “orderly consequence” of
certain forms of behaviour. In some cases, the right course for “parent
convicts” is to allow them to continue to look after their children, under
Probation service supervision, avoiding imprisonment for as long as they do
so, and imposing lighter forms of penalty.
Prison could be retained for failure to make reparations, or look after
families, as ordered by a Court. Driving licences could be withdrawn, for
offences unrelated to driving, and one might make further use of
vehicle-confiscation, plus disqualification from vehicle-ownership. I can
imagine that for certain cases a “business ban” would be appropriate,
preventing a convicted criminal from carrying on business even as a
sole-trader: at the moment, there is only disqualification as a company
Director, which permits continued trading as a sole-trader. Disruptive
work-orders could be used (e.g attendance at work during football
matches, for football hooligans…). I would even contemplate
time-limited Passport withdrawal, as a punishment. All of these could be
publicised as sanctions, to be used before the Courts move to the use of
imprisonment.
Equally, it is possible to make serious mistakes, in the use of
sanctions. It is wrong to withdraw benefits which go to the fundamentals
of life – Blair once threatened to withdraw Housing Benefit for
anti-social behaviour, but was rightly opposed, and the idea did not
proceed. And I am very disturbed by the use of ASBOs to restrict the
personal freedom of young people, in their mid-teens: such techniques are
suitable for adults, but not for children. Finally, we should not send
out mixed messages by using “community service” as a punishment – that is
corrosive of the rationale of public, voluntary service itself, and is
profoundly unwise.
Level Three
Imprisonment should be
the very last resort
- when all forms of prior sanction or inducement have failed. And even
“prison” needs re-thinking. The Court of Human Rights at
Strasbourg has this week
required the UK to remove the bar on electoral-voting by convicts, for that
constitutes a breach of their Convention rights. Indeed, the UK Prison
Service decisions have on many occasions been overturned by the Judges at
Strasbourg. And if prisons were reserved only for the most serious
offenders, I would accept much tougher security controls. Tougher prison
regimes should be tempered by an assiduous respect for prisoners’ human
rights.
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971
30
March 2004
Voter apathy
a new perspective
I do not subscribe to current theories
about "voter apathy". I do not consider my fellow citizens
to be irresponsible, or "apathetic". I am in the process, this weekend, of writing
my own Ward Manifesto, for my election campaign in June, when I am seeking
election to Swansea City Council. And I know that the issues raised
are of keen importance to local residents - everything has a city focus,
is comprehensible, and relevant.
What if
the electors, in staying away at General Elections, are simply
reluctant to endorse a highly-centralised London Government machine,
staffed by career politicians? And what if
at local elections, abstention is driven by the parallel perception
that Councils no longer "make a difference", given the dominance of
Westminster?
What if centralised governance
has fallen victim to its own ubiquitous success?
What if the voters are, albeit
subconsciously, deliberately refusing to bestow
legitimacy upon an unpopular constitutional settlement,
which offers them no effective involvement?
- Would they respond more
enthusiastically to a
localised, federal Constitutional settlement, in which more genuine power
were vested -
in Swansea?
I suspect the answer to that question
is YES.
What do you think? Drop me a
line
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